The intent of this paper is to provide a general framework to be used as a road map by the US to successfully navigate the hazardous divide between the Kurds and the Turks, and the various ethnic groups of northeastern Iraq thereby guaranteeing a stable northern Iraq.

"After the tests of 1998, India has merely moved sideways from existential to minimum deterrence. From the options available to it, India would in all probability opt for a nuclear posture in the form of a "force-in-being" which implies that India's nuclear capabilities will be strategically active, but operationally dormant. This would give her capability to execute retaliatory action within a matter of hours to a few weeks. India's draft Nuclear Doctrine is by no means the last word on the subject. India's nuclear doctrine and should be seen as an evolving system of beliefs that governs the rationale and use of nuclear weapons. India's declared policy on the use of nuclear weapons is one of "no first use" but an "assured and massive retaliation" in case of nuclear aggression on the part of its enemies. In keeping with this policy, avoiding the high costs of a ready arsenal and to reinforce its long tradition of strict civilian control over the military, India would try to acquire only a nominal deterrence capability against Pakistan and China. This "de-alerted" capability would be reflected in the form of completed nuclear weapons stored in a dissembled condition, i.e., warheads along with the sub-assemblies and delivery systems being kept at different locations separated by large geographical distances."--Abstract from web site.

This paper examines social change in American military culture. Briefly, the analysis explores the current battle between the military's traditional "combat, masculine-warrior" (or CMW) paradigm of exclusion and the contradictory "evolving" model of culture characterized by inclusion and heterogeneity. Two recent cases illustrate this divergence between paradigm and model: women in combat and homosexuals in the military. The analysis next examines the long-term war of military culture, suggesting that the military is undergoing a cultural paradigm shift--moving away from its traditional CMW paradigm of exclusion toward an inclusionary view of soldiering. Assuming the military seeks a paradigm shift, as evidenced by the evolving model of culture, the paper suggests some initial strategies for implementing a paradigm shift. Specifically, paradigm pioneers must foster a culture of inclusion and egalitarianism. Senior military leaders are the catalysts of a paradigm shift--they are the true pioneers who can institutionalize a cultural paradigm embodied by an "inclusive whole" rather than a paradigm personified by an "exclusive few."

The emergent technology of high power radio frequency in a directed energy role has huge potential for military use, in both offensive and defensive roles. There are many applications for this type of technology, from minesweeping to anti-aircraft artillery to unmanned combat aerial vehicles. Given the current U.S. dominance in precision attack and air combat capability, new technologies might serve to challenge this advantage if an enemy can exploit them. This paper examines the question of whether U.S. tactics or strategy will have to change with these systems in the hands of an adversary, assuming they were used in an integrated air defense role to counter U.S. high-tech deep-strike capability. Specifically, could high power microwave systems become an effective defense against our standoff cruise missile and stealth technology and if so, could an adversary develop and deploy them without our knowledge in order to catch us unaware? Based on the findings, the conclusion recommends several avenues that the Air Force should pursue to prepare for these future weapons.

Globalization has resulted in a deeply interdependent international system. Strategists and policy makers must understand globalization and its effects on multiple aspects of social interaction in order to provide well informed national security policy recommendations. Of particular importance is globalized economics. A nation#65533;s economic strength is the foundation of its national power and lends credibility to the diplomatic, military and economic actions and policies a nation undertakes in the international environment. A nation#65533;s weakening economy will inevitably lead to a loss of national power and to a declining influence in the international system. Given the stagnant United States economy and the dynamic growth in emerging economies around the world, most notably China, how should the United States respond in order to maintain its position of leadership in the international system? This research paper examines the nature of economic globalization, the shift from a unipolar to multipolar international environment, and the potential impact on United States#65533; national security. It draws its conclusions from an extensive review of current literature covering globalization, political economics, and grand strategy. It examines William Scheuerman#65533;s four characteristics of the globalization phenomenon, globalization#65533;s effect on economics, and the interrelatedness of economic vitality and national strength, and concludes that a liberal internationalist approach is the best path forward for United States grand strategy. Because of interdependency brought about by globalization, cooperative global governance must replace the coercive democratization approach the United States has followed over the last decade. If pursued with the same vigor the United States demonstrated in Iraq and Afghanistan, the United States can rebuild its economic foundation and ensure a peaceful transition to a multilateral world order.

From Islands to Networks A Blueprint for a Comprehensive US Security Strategy in the Asia-Pacific Region Historic precedent and power transition theory predict the likelihood of armed conflict between a rising China as it overtakes the world's leading superpower, the United States. Taiwan highlights the dilemma by exposing conflicting US and Chinese interests and the changing nature of China's power. This long-term dilemma complicates the emerging alignment of Asia-Pacific interests. A comprehensive US Asia-Pacific strategy of Assured Partnership would safely manage this dilemma by incorporating a multi-tiered, inclusive, institutional approach. The strategy will decrease the likelihood of a US-China military confrontation for several reasons. First, existing bilateral alliances give the strategy its underpinnings, providing an anchor of assurance to allies and a deterrent to the rise of Chinese hegemony. Second, the strategy transforms the ASEAN Regional Forum into a cooperative security institution, the Organization of Asia-Pacific Cooperation. It will provide continuous dialogue, a region-wide security forum, and an enhanced ability to implement preventive diplomacy, consequence management, and peace support operations. Complimenting it, the Asia-Pacific Council consists of current or developing regional powers including the U.S., China, Japan, Australia, India, and Russia. The council preserves regional power strategic agility while providing for continuous regional direction, leadership, and power balance. Third, the strategy builds military transparency, trust and predictability through an institutionalized military cooperative regime, the Partnership for Security and Peace, similar to Europe's Partnership for Peace program.

Russia initiated activity in Chechnya as a covert intelligence operation. It changed into an internal security mission which, in turn, became a mid-intensity conflict and then evolved into in a low-intensity conflict. The low-intensity conflict exposed the weakness of the Russian military and drove the country to the brink of economic and political disaster. Despite massive use of air and ground power a grossly inferior force could not be beaten. The principal reasons for the failure included the lack of a clear and attainable national objective, a dysfunctional national military strategy and operational miscalculations as conventional tactics and doctrine were applied to a low-intensity conflict situation. Other reasons for the failure included the inability of the frail economy to support both "guns and butter," the role of the independent media which shaped resistance to the war, and a general inefficiency within the military. The aftermath of the Chechen campaign may dramatically alter the future role of the military in the Russian republic. The conflict also provides notable examples concerning the use of airpower which are worthy of further analysis.

This Document was developed to explore the various aspects of security for the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) which includes Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain and Oman. A short review of the history of the area provides some guidance toward understanding the culture, beliefs and governing basics that apply today. The recent events in the Gulf, Iraq invading Kuwait and the US invading Iraq, requires the development and implementation of a strategic security plan that meets the needs of all countries of the area. This document addresses this situation and provides some starting recommendations which will move the countries forward toward a safe and secure future.