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With its latest publication "New Parties of the Left: Experiences
from Europe," the IIRE, in collaboration with Resistance Books,
provides a much needed analysis of the European regroupment of the
radical left. With its pan-European focus combined with detailed
accounts from France, Denmark, Britain, Germany, Italy and Portugal
this book offers a unique and unprecedented insight into
contemporary political history of the radical left in Europe.
Social democratic and Stalinist parties, including the Labour Party
in Britain and the Socialist Party in France, have shifted to the
right across the continent and have fully embraced neo-liberalism.
This has opened up a political space to the left of
social-democracy which has been filled by new formations of the
radical left over the last decades. The book starts out with an
introductory background chapter which takes an overall look at the
developments of the radical left in Europe since 1989 and the
collapse of the Left as we knew it. This chapter provides the
reader with new statistical information, such as membership figures
and election results, about the left parties and discusses
similarities, differences and political challenges for these new
parties. The late IIRE Fellow Daniel Bensaid puts the discussion on
the reorganisation of the European left into a broader historical
and ideological perspective in the chapter 'An idea whose time has
come'. With the financial crisis, Bensaid writes, a holy alliance
between the left and the right is being preached in order to
socialise the losses after having privatised the profits. Social
democratic parties have, across the continent, actively contributed
in the destruction of the tools of social solidarity, and hereby
undermined their own social base. At the same time, European
communist parties are undergoing a slow agonising death. Against
this background, Bensaid argues, there is a need for new
anticapitalist parties, as he points out the successful stories
across the continent. The following chapters provide valuable and
unique first hand insight into the development and discussions
within the New Anti-capitalist Party (Nouveau Parti
Anticapitaliste) in France, the Red-Green Alliance (Enhedslisten)
in Denmark, Respect in Britain, The Left (Die Linke) in Germany,
the Communist Refoundation Party (Partito della Rifondazione
Comunista) in Italy and the Left Bloc (Bloco de Esquerda) in
Portugal. Each chapter covers a political party and is written by a
long-standing member of the party in question. Contributors: Daniel
Bensaid Salvatore Cannavo Jorge Costa Klaus Engert Alain Krivine
John Lister Miguel Romero Alda Sousa Alan Thornett Bertil Videt
Michael Voss
Respect as it was originally constructed - as an alliance primarily
between the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) and George Galloway - is
long dead. Respect stood on the gains of the anti-globalisation and
antiwar movements, and on the fact that the anti-war movement had
begun to build among sections of Muslim communities who had not
previously engaged with British politics. After the Socialist
Workers Party decided to split with Respect late in 2007, it has
painted a dishonest picture of what lay behind the division within
Respect. It claimed that it was the left in the split and everyone
else was on the right (or was naively misguided, which is just as
insulting). They repeat their disgraceful attacks on the Scottish
Socialist Party, and by implication make comparison between those
who continued to support Respect with those in Rifondazione, Italy
s Party of Communist Refoundation, who backed then-Prime Minister
Prodi in sending troops to Afghanistan. Such comparisons are
ridiculous. Disregarding the grandiose comparisons with the splits
between the Mensheviks and the Bolsheviks for the delusions they
are, this 148-page book shows the political positions of those the
SWP would paint as the right . Not all the contributions we print
here are from Socialist Resistance supporters. They include Chris
Harman, then the central leader of the SWP, and leading figures in
the British and international left. But we think and hope that by
publishing this collection we can develop an important debate, and
thus help to build a socialist alternative to the ravages of war
and neo-liberalism.
This book is a unique account of trade union and political
struggles in the Morris Motors (later British Leyland) car assembly
plant in Cowley, where Alan Thornett began work in 1959. He became
a shop steward for the lorry drivers, deputy TGWU convener for the
plant, and chair of the Joint Shop Stewards Committee and of the
TGWU branch. The plant was rarely out of the headlines in the 1960s
and 1970s, which was the high point of trade union militancy in
Britain in the 20th century. After a successful struggle for
unionisation, the Morris plant was by the end of the 1960s amongst
the most militant in the industry, averaging over 300 strikes a
year. Working conditions were transformed and a vibrant shop floor
movement built. The plant was involved in the strikes against In
Place of Strife, Harold Wilson's attempt at anti-union laws, and
against Heath's Industrial Relations Act, which led to the jailing
of the Pentonville Five. This rise of militant trade unionism,
however, was bitterly opposed by TGWU officials who worked
tirelessly with management to destroy it. The battles this
involved, both within the union and in the plant, are vividly
described. The book traces how these actions of the trade union
establishments reflected institutionalised class compromise, which
directly threatened the gains of the 60s and 70s, and which opened
the door to the Tory onslaught of the 1980s. It led directly to the
betrayal of the NGA by the TUC at Warrington in 1983 and its
collapse under Tebbit's anti-union laws. It also led to the
isolation and defeat of the miners in 1985, which has been so
destructive to the trade union movement, and from which the unions
have not even started to recover.
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