Though the proportion of women in national assemblies still barely scrapes sixteen per cent on average, the striking outliers - Rwanda with 49 per cent of its assembly female, Argentina with thirty-five per cent, Liberia and Chile with new women presidents this year - have raised expectations that there is an upward trend in women's representation from which we may expect big changes in the quality of governance. Getting women into public office is just the first step in the challenge of creating governance and accountability systems that respond to women's needs and protect their rights. What are the enabling conditions that enhance women's political influence once in public office, that support the emergence of a voting constituency interested in gender equality, and that generate public sector management in women's interests?

The essays in this volume answer these questions from different angles, using case studies from around the world. They consider the conditions for effective connections between women in civil society and women in politics, for the evolution of political party platforms responsive to women's interests, for local government arrangements that enable women to engage effectively, and for accountability mechanisms that answer to women. Governing Women argues that good governance from a gender perspective requires more than just additional women in politics, it requires fundamental incentive changes to orient public action and policy to support gender equality.

Though the proportion of women in national assemblies still barely scrapes 16% on average, the striking outliers - Rwanda with 49% of its assembly female, Argentina with 35%, Liberia and Chile with new women presidents this year - have raised expectations that there is an upward trend in women's representation from which we may expect big changes in the quality of governance. But getting women into public office is just the first step in the challenge of creating governance and accountability systems that respond to women's needs and protect their rights. Using case studies from around the world, the essays in this volume consider the conditions for effective connections between women in civil society and women in politics, for the evolution of political party platforms responsive to women's interests, for local government arrangements that enable women to engage effectively, and for accountability mechanisms that answer to women. The book's argument is that good governance from a gender perspective requires more than more women in politics. It requires fundamental incentive changes to orient public action and policy to support gender equality.

This comparative study examines women's participation in politics in South Africa and Uganda. In both these African countries, women have achieved some 30 per cent representation in national and local political institutions - far more than in many western countries. How has this been achieved? How far did women's mobilization in society play a part? How sustainable are these gains likely to be? And how much impact on policy do women really have? The contributors examine two litmus test pieces of legislation - around land in Uganda and gender violence in South Africa. They show that the political routes to increased female participation may vary and that the solidity of the gains made depends on the strength of the gender-equity lobby in society at large. What is more, participation does not necessarily lead to policies which enhance the position and interests of women. The book illuminates a complicated area of socio-political change with relevance for the very different experiences of other countries in Africa and elsewhere.

Although Gender and Development (GAD) or Women in Development (WID) policies have been promoted for almost three decades, their feminist ambitions often fall away as they are processed through the bureaucracies of development institutions. While the policies have helped to improve the immediate material condition of women, they have involved public bureaucracies and NGOs in reproducing the conditions for women's subordination. Outcomes rarely challenge the asymmetrical distribution of resources, while in the world of economic policy-making, feminist perspectives are conspicuous by their absence. This book argues that development organizations must be recognized as structurally deeply gendered, and that strategies for women must aim at institutional transformation. It builds a conceptual framework and applies it to empirical case study material, while reflecting on strategies to make accountability to women a routine part of development practice.

The contest to shape global governance is increasingly being conducted on a number of levels and among a diverse set of actors. This book argues that increasing engagement between international institutions and sectors of civil society is producing a new form of international organization. The authors study the relationship between the IMF, World Bank, and World Trade Organisation, and environmental, labor, and women's movements, providing a rich analysis of the institutional response to social movement pressure.

The contest to shape global governance is increasingly being conducted on a number of levels and among a diverse set of actors. This book argues that increasing engagement between international institutions and sectors of civil society is producing a new form of international organization. The authors study the relationship between the IMF, World Bank, and World Trade Organisation, and environmental, labor, and women's movements, providing a rich analysis of the institutional response to social movement pressure.