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Various African nations have undergone conflict situations since
they gained their independence. This book focuses on particular
countries that have faced conflict (civil wars and genocide) and
are now in the process of rebuilding their political, economic,
social, and educational institutions. The countries that are
addressed in the book include: Rwanda, Mozambique, Sierra Leone,
Liberia, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In addition,
there is a chapter that addresses the role of the African Diaspora
in conflict and post-conflict countries that include Eritrea,
Liberia, and Somalia. The book includes an examination of the
various actors who are involved in post-conflict rebuilding and
reconstruction that involves internal and external participants.
For example, it is clear that the internal actors involve Africans
themselves as ordinary citizens, members of local and national
governments, and members of non-governmental organizations. This
allows the reader to understand the agency and empowerment of
Africans in post-conflict reconstruction. Various institutions are
addressed within the context of the roles they play in establishing
governance organizations such as the Truth and Reconciliation
Commission in Sierra Leone, the African Union, chiefs in Liberia,
and non-governmental organizations. Furthermore, the external
actors who are involved in post-conflict reconstruction are
examined such as international non-governmental organizations and
the African Diaspora. They both have their own constituents and
agendas and can and do play a positive and negative role in
post-conflict reconstruction. It is obvious that countries that are
addressed in the book are in dire need of financial assistant to
rebuild much needed infrastructure that was destroyed during the
conflict. All of the countries covered in the book need schools,
medical facilities, roads, bridges, airports, ports, and the
government does not have the money to provide these. This is where
the international non-governmental organizations and the African
Diaspora play an important role. The chapters that address these
issues are cognizant of their importance and at the same time, the
authors realize that sovereignty can be undermined if Africans are
not in the forefront of policy and decision making that will
determine their future. There are chapters that provide a gendered
analysis of post-conflict when it is appropriate. For example, it
is clear that women, men, boys, and girls experienced conflict in
different ways because of their gender. They all participated in
the conflict in various ways. Consequently, the efforts at peace
building are given a gendered analysis in terms of what has
happened to women and girls in the demobilization and
rehabilitation period including an excellent analysis of land
reform in Rwanda and how that affects women and members of a
certain ethnic group that are often overlooked in the examination
of the 1994 genocide. This book provides a very good contribution
to the literature on conflict and post-conflict African countries
because of its depth and the vast topics it embraces. It provides
an analysis of the internal and external actors, the role of gender
in post-conflict decision making, and it provides the voices of
ordinary Africans who were affected by the conflict, and who are
determined to live productive lives.
U.S.-Africa Relations: From Clinton to Obama is an examination and
analysis of U.S.-Africa relations during the Clinton, George W.
Bush, and Obama administrations. It covers the entire continent
with an inclusion of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC),
Nigeria, South Africa, Ethiopia, Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Uganda, and
Rwanda. Some of the issues addressed in the analysis include the
militarization of Africa within the context of the war on terror
and the creation of the Africa Command; the Arab Spring and
questions concerning the U.S. role in Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya;
the Great Lakes region and the role or lack thereof of the United
States, beginning with a discussion of U.S. support for various
leaders from Mobutu (DRC) to Kabila (DRC) to Kagame (Rwanda), and
Museveni (Uganda) who did and do not act in accordance with the
U.S. policy of encouraging democracy. The role of Africans in
U.S.-Africa relations is examined in the book. For example, many
African leaders expressed their disapproval of the creation of the
Africa Command, and African leaders refused to have it housed on
their soil. The book discusses how African leaders and Africans can
work with the United States to encourage economic development by
establishing and upholding the rule of law, respecting human
rights, and creating and maintaining transparency in the government
and business activities. The role of African-descended people in
U.S.-Africa relations is also addressed in terms of African
American celebrities, scholars, and businesspeople. In sum, it
appears on the surface that the United States has become more
involved in African affairs due to new post-Cold War realities-it
is the only remaining superpower; the war on terror extends to
Africa; more Africans have migrated to the United States; and trade
relations have deepened due to the Africa Growth and Opportunity
Act and the need to import oil and gas from various African
countries. At the same time, the U.S. policy has not veered far
from national security interests and the promotion of democracy
regardless of who is in the White House.
U.S. Africa Relations: From Clinton to Obama is an examination and
analysis of U.S. Africa relations during the Clinton, George W.
Bush, and Obama administrations. It covers the entire continent
with an inclusion of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC),
Nigeria, South Africa, Ethiopia, Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Uganda, and
Rwanda. Some of the issues addressed in the analysis include the
militarization of Africa within the context of the war on terror
and the creation of the Africa Command; the Arab Spring and
questions concerning the U.S. role in Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya;
the Great Lakes region and the role or lack thereof of the United
States, beginning with a discussion of U.S. support for various
leaders from Mobutu (DRC) to Kabila (DRC) to Kagame (Rwanda), and
Museveni (Uganda) who did and do not act in accordance with the
U.S. policy of encouraging democracy. The role of Africans in U.S.
Africa relations is examined in the book. For example, many African
leaders expressed their disapproval of the creation of the Africa
Command, and African leaders refused to have it housed on their
soil. The book discusses how African leaders and Africans can work
with the United States to encourage economic development by
establishing and upholding the rule of law, respecting human
rights, and creating and maintaining transparency in the government
and business activities. The role of African-descended people in
U.S. Africa relations is also addressed in terms of African
American celebrities, scholars, and businesspeople. In sum, it
appears on the surface that the United States has become more
involved in African affairs due to new post Cold War realities it
is the only remaining superpower; the war on terror extends to
Africa; more Africans have migrated to the United States; and trade
relations have deepened due to the Africa Growth and Opportunity
Act and the need to import oil and gas from various African
countries. At the same time, the U.S. policy has not veered far
from national security interests and the promotion of democracy
regardless of who is in the White House."
Various African nations have undergone conflict situations since
they gained their independence. This book focuses on particular
countries that have faced conflict (civil wars and genocide) and
are now in the process of rebuilding their political, economic,
social, and educational institutions. The countries that are
addressed in the book include: Rwanda, Mozambique, Sierra Leone,
Liberia, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. In addition,
there is a chapter that addresses the role of the African Diaspora
in conflict and post-conflict countries that include Eritrea,
Liberia, and Somalia. The book includes an examination of the
various actors who are involved in post-conflict rebuilding and
reconstruction that involves internal and external participants.
For example, it is clear that the internal actors involve Africans
themselves as ordinary citizens, members of local and national
governments, and members of non-governmental organizations. This
allows the reader to understand the agency and empowerment of
Africans in post-conflict reconstruction. Various institutions are
addressed within the context of the roles they play in establishing
governance organizations such as the Truth and Reconciliation
Commission in Sierra Leone, the African Union, chiefs in Liberia,
and non-governmental organizations. Furthermore, the external
actors who are involved in post-conflict reconstruction are
examined such as international non-governmental organizations and
the African Diaspora. They both have their own constituents and
agendas and can and do play a positive and negative role in
post-conflict reconstruction. It is obvious that countries that are
addressed in the book are in dire need of financial assistant to
rebuild much needed infrastructure that was destroyed during the
conflict. All of the countries covered in the book need schools,
medical facilities, roads, bridges, airports, ports, and the
government does not have the money to provide these. This is where
the international non-governmental organizations and the African
Diaspora play an important role. The chapters that address these
issues are cognizant of their importance and at the same time, the
authors realize that sovereignty can be undermined if Africans are
not in the forefront of policy and decision making that will
determine their future. There are chapters that provide a gendered
analysis of post-conflict when it is appropriate. For example, it
is clear that women, men, boys, and girls experienced conflict in
different ways because of their gender. They all participated in
the conflict in various ways. Consequently, the efforts at peace
building are given a gendered analysis in terms of what has
happened to women and girls in the demobilization and
rehabilitation period including an excellent analysis of land
reform in Rwanda and how that affects women and members of a
certain ethnic group that are often overlooked in the examination
of the 1994 genocide. This book provides a very good contribution
to the literature on conflict and post-conflict African countries
because of its depth and the vast topics it embraces. It provides
an analysis of the internal and external actors, the role of gender
in post-conflict decision making, and it provides the voices of
ordinary Africans who were affected by the conflict, and who are
determined to live productive lives.
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