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Ethnic Diasporas and the Canada-United States Security Community
focuses on three diasporas and their impact on North American
security relations, the Irish and Germans, which were mainly in the
US, and the Muslim diaspora, which is based in both countries. The
book begins by examining the evolution of North America from a zone
of war to a zone of peace (i.e., a security community), starting
with the debate over the nature and meaning of the Canada-US
border. It then assesses the role of ethnic diasporas in North
American security, looking as to whether ethnic interest groups
have been gaining influence over the shaping of the US foreign
policy. This debate is also valid in Canada, especially given the
practice of federal political parties of catering to blocs of
ethnic voters. The second section of the book focuses on three case
studies. The first examines the impact of the Irish Americans on
the quality of security relations between the US and the UK, and
therefore between the former and Canada. The second looks at an
even larger diaspora, the German Americans, whose political agenda
by the start of twentieth century attempted to discourage
Anglo-American entente and eventual alliance. The final case
concentrates on the debates around the North American Muslim
diaspora in the past two decades, a time when policy attention
turned toward the greater Middle East, which in many ways
constitute the "kin community" of this politically active diaspora.
This comparative assessment of the three cases provides
contextualization for today's discussion of homegrown terrorism and
its implication for bilateral security cooperation in North
America.
David G. Haglund's Sister Republics tells the story of the unique
relationship between the United States and its first ally, France.
Historians and political scientists have characterized interactions
between the two countries in the spheres of security and defense
policy in radically different ways: either the two comport
themselves in a highly cooperative fashion, befitting their status
as old allies and steadfast friends, or they act as bitter rivals,
revealing their alliance to be at best dysfunctional and at worst
destructive. Haglund uses a fresh approach to reconcile these
divergent positions, examining the Franco-American bond through the
prism of strategic culture. In doing so, he reveals the cultural
factors that have contributed to the suboptimal relationship
between the two nations.
This book, first published in 1989, analyses the effect that
interdependence has had on the defence industrial base,
concentrating upon those defence industries situated at the hi-tech
end, and paying particular attention to the procurement decisions
that affect the production of sophisticated military aircraft.
Interdependence raises questions of importance to international
relations, strategic studies and defence economics, and Western
industrialised states have an ongoing dilemma over the degree to
which they should subject their defence industrial bases to the
forces of economic interdependence. Despite worries over strategic
vulnerability, most Western states have been showing increased
interest in arms collaboration, with the aim of maximizing the
amount of weaponry available for defence. As this book shows, such
a goal becomes increasingly important s the technological
sophistication of weapons grows.
This book discusses "culture" and the origins of the Anglo-American
special relationship (the AASR). The bitter dispute between ethnic
groups in the US from 1914-17-a period of time characterized as the
"culture wars"-laid the groundwork both for US intervention in the
European balance of power in 1917 and for the creation of what
would eventually become a lasting Anglo-American alliance.
Specifically, the vigorous assault on English "civilization"
launched by two large ethnic groups in America (the Irish-Americans
and the German-Americans) had the unintended effect of causing
America's demographic majority at the time (the English-descended
Americans) to regard the prospect of an Anglo-American alliance in
an entirely new manner. The author contemplates why the
Anglo-American "great rapprochement" of 1898 failed to generate the
desired "Anglo-Saxon" alliance in Britain, and in so doing features
theoretically informed inquiries into debates surrounding both the
origins of the war in 1914 and the origins of the American
intervention decision nearly three years later.
This book, first published in 1989, analyses the effect that
interdependence has had on the defence industrial base,
concentrating upon those defence industries situated at the hi-tech
end, and paying particular attention to the procurement decisions
that affect the production of sophisticated military aircraft.
Interdependence raises questions of importance to international
relations, strategic studies and defence economics, and Western
industrialised states have an ongoing dilemma over the degree to
which they should subject their defence industrial bases to the
forces of economic interdependence. Despite worries over strategic
vulnerability, most Western states have been showing increased
interest in arms collaboration, with the aim of maximizing the
amount of weaponry available for defence. As this book shows, such
a goal becomes increasingly important s the technological
sophistication of weapons grows.
This book provides a detailed overview of the debate about the
institutional context of Western European security after the Cold
War. It discusses various aspects of contemporary European security
'architecture' and explores various aspects of the new
transatlantic and European threat environment.
This book is about the Franco-German military cooperation. It
discusses the ending of the Cold War, the likelihood of a
continuation and deepening of security cooperation between France
and Germany and the impact this might have upon the transformation
of the Atlantic Alliance.
The contributors to this book set out to show that NATO's post-Cold
War troubles are largely self-generated and almost exclusively
"eastern". They focus in particular on the issue of what to do with
the former Yugoslavia.
This book focuses on the critical issues shaping the bilateral
defense relationship of the U.S. and Canada, including the future
of ballistic missile defense, the increased deployment of air- and
sea-launched cruise missiles, and the growing debate within Canada
over security relations with the US.
This book is concerned with the myriad of foreign security
commitments and the means available to America to fulfill them. It
represents the scholarly results of the collective project (on US
security horizons) mounted by the Queen's University Centre for
International Relations.
The drastically altered European security context has forced
Western defence planners and analysts to reassess core assumptions,
including the future role of NATO. As the organization goes through
what may be its most profound restructuring to date, one of the
critical issues to be resolved is the stationing of Allied troops
in Germany, the Allian
The twelve months that spanned the period between the early
springtimes of 1991 and 1992 may well turn out to constitute the
most important year for American foreign and security policy in
half a century. Encasing the dawning of a new and different
security era, like macabre parentheses, were two columns of black
smoke-that of 1991 over the newly liberated Kuwait, and that of
1992 over the embattled district of South-Central Los Angeles.
Within these acrid temporal brackets unfolded a set of developments
of utmost significance for American foreign and security policy and
for the very meaning of the country's external commitments.
This book focuses on the critical issues shaping the bilateral
defense relationship of the U.S. and Canada, including the future
of ballistic missile defense, the increased deployment of air- and
sea-launched cruise missiles, and the growing debate within Canada
over security relations with the US.
The drastically altered European security context has forced
Western defence planners and analysts to reassess core assumptions,
including the future role of NATO. As the organization goes through
what may be its most profound restructuring to date, one of the
critical issues to be resolved is the stationing of Allied troops
in Germany, the Allian
This book is about the Franco-German military cooperation. It
discusses the ending of the Cold War, the likelihood of a
continuation and deepening of security cooperation between France
and Germany and the impact this might have upon the transformation
of the Atlantic Alliance.
The contributors to this book set out to show that NATO's post-Cold
War troubles are largely self-generated and almost exclusively
"eastern". They focus in particular on the issue of what to do with
the former Yugoslavia.
This book provides a detailed overview of the debate about the
institutional context of Western European security after the Cold
War. It discusses various aspects of contemporary European security
'architecture' and explores various aspects of the new
transatlantic and European threat environment.
This book discusses "culture" and the origins of the Anglo-American
special relationship (the AASR). The bitter dispute between ethnic
groups in the US from 1914-17-a period of time characterized as the
"culture wars"-laid the groundwork both for US intervention in the
European balance of power in 1917 and for the creation of what
would eventually become a lasting Anglo-American alliance.
Specifically, the vigorous assault on English "civilization"
launched by two large ethnic groups in America (the Irish-Americans
and the German-Americans) had the unintended effect of causing
America's demographic majority at the time (the English-descended
Americans) to regard the prospect of an Anglo-American alliance in
an entirely new manner. The author contemplates why the
Anglo-American "great rapprochement" of 1898 failed to generate the
desired "Anglo-Saxon" alliance in Britain, and in so doing features
theoretically informed inquiries into debates surrounding both the
origins of the war in 1914 and the origins of the American
intervention decision nearly three years later.
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