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Nearly forty years ago, Sir Lewis Namier's studies showed that
there were no organized national political parties in England
during the middle of the eighteenth century, and historians have
assumed that much the same statement could be made about het period
from 1780's to the 1830's. Professor Ginter questions that
assumption, and demonstrates that the origins of modern British
electoral organization and political parties can be dated at about
the end of the American War. The papers of William Adam at Blair
Adam reveal that the tone and techniques of opposition politics
began to undergo a fundamental change during the 1780's. In these
years the Whig Opposition was unified under the leadership of the
Duke of Portland and Chales James Fox, and it developed a
surprisingly extensive political orientation. The party broke out
of the restrictive parliamentary orientation that had heretofore
characterize opposition politics and turned ot the country a large
for support of its program and personnel. By 1790 British general
elections were no longer contested exclusively by individuals and
ad hoc committees, Adam, the party's political manager, in
collaboration with the Duke of Portland, directed the general
election campaign of 1790 from offices in Burlington House, and
sent party agents and funds into those constituencies in which
candidates had decided to stand a contest, but also expended funds
in an effort to secure new seats for party members unable to find a
likely constituency through their own efforts. The present volume,
a selection from the family papers at Blair Adam, fully
demonstrates the extent and quality fo the electoral organization
of the Whig Opposition. This title is part of UC Press's Voices
Revived program, which commemorates University of California
Press's mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and
give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to
1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship
accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title
was originally published in 1967.
Historians of the nineteenth-century rural South have long
distinguished the antebellum agricultural system of plantations and
gang-style slave labor from the family tenancy system that is
thought to have developed only after the Civil War. In Farm Tenancy
and the Census in Antebellum Georgia, however, Frederick Bode and
Donald Ginter demonstrate a far greater consistency in economic
traditions than many historians have recognized. Through a detailed
critical interpretation of the 1860 federal census, Bode and Ginter
show that extensive family tenancy, and probably sharecropping,
were not the creations of Emancipation and Reconstruction, but
instead were widely present before the upheaval of the Civil War.
Bode and Ginter's analysis of the 1860 census reveals a complex
rural economy of plantation owners, slaves, and yeoman and tenant
farmers. Though census agents lacked a category for reporting
tenant farmers and therefore often devised their own methods for
recording land tenure, Bode and Ginter examine the agricultural and
population schedules to reveal coherent regional patterns of
tenancy. In older areas of greater cotton cultivation, tenant
farmers were relatively scarce; in areas of recently cleared land
within the cotton belt, and even more strikingly in the upcountry,
tenant farming was pervasive. Bode and Ginter's findings not only
demonstrate the presence of antebellum tenant farmers and
sharecroppers but also dispel the current conception of yeoman
farmers reduced to tenancy on their return from the battlefields of
the Civil War. They show, finally, how new regional patterns of
tenancy followed the demise of slavery. Probing the shifting
relations between races and social classes in the
nineteenth-century rural South, Farm Tenancy and the Census in
Antebellum Georgia revises the dominant scholarly view of the
region's social and economic history by carefully measuring the
true extent of the changes brought by the Civil War.
Nearly forty years ago, Sir Lewis Namier's studies showed that
there were no organized national political parties in England
during the middle of the eighteenth century, and historians have
assumed that much the same statement could be made about het period
from 1780's to the 1830's. Professor Ginter questions that
assumption, and demonstrates that the origins of modern British
electoral organization and political parties can be dated at about
the end of the American War. The papers of William Adam at
Blair Adam reveal that the tone and techniques of opposition
politics began to undergo a fundamental change during the 1780's.
In these years the Whig Opposition was unified under the leadership
of the Duke of Portland and Chales James Fox, and it developed a
surprisingly extensive political orientation. The party broke out
of the restrictive parliamentary orientation that had heretofore
characterize opposition politics and turned ot the country a large
for support of its program and personnel. By 1790 British general
elections were no longer contested exclusively by individuals and
ad hoc committees, Adam, the party's political manager, in
collaboration with the Duke of Portland, directed the general
election campaign of 1790 from offices in Burlington House, and
sent party agents and funds into those constituencies in which
candidates had decided to stand a contest, but also expended funds
in an effort to secure new seats for party members unable to find a
likely constituency through their own efforts. The present volume,
a selection from the family papers at Blair Adam, fully
demonstrates the extent and quality fo the electoral organization
of the Whig Opposition. This title is part of UC Press's
Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California
Press's mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and
give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to
1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship
accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title
was originally published in 1967.
Ginter focuses on the years 1780 to 1832, a period for which many
land tax records survive and precisely when modern forms of
political organization began to emerge and when industrialization
and enclosure are thought to have altered the fabric of society and
the economy. Through an examination of more than 5,000 parishes in
fifteen historical counties -- approximately one-third of England
-- he shows that inequalities in the burden of national taxation
were far greater than anyone has estimated. Having researched both
local and national taxation procedures, he reveals that, on the eve
of the nineteenth-century "Revolution in Government," the tenantry
and yeomanry were administratively far more independent of
parliamentary statute and of their local gentry and magistracy than
has previously been suggested. Drawing on evidence from the three
ridings of Yorkshire, he discloses other problems associated with
the land tax duplicates. While Ginter argues that the land tax
duplicates are wholly inadequate for the study of the fortunes of
the small yeoman and that the literature on this subject must be
fundamentally reconsidered, he reveals a method which can reliably
exploit the land tax duplicates as a systemic documentation. He
contends that the full potential for studies based centrally on the
land tax has scarcely begun to be explored.
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