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This book is the author's attempt to translate his knowledge of
peace studies into the language of sociology, so that the former
can be grasped as a more complete whole. It aims to increase
interest among sociologists in issues of war and peace because they
provide food for sociological thought.
All is not well in the World Trade Organization. Does a global
economy require global institutions? One possible alternative is
interregionalism: economic integration between two distinct
regions. This book explores the logic of interregionalism by
focusing on the European Union, which has pursued agreements with
Latin America, East Asia, and the Southern Mediterranean, among
others. Why has the EU pursued this strategy? Based on a novel
theoretical framework, the authors in this book explore EU
interregionalism to provide us with insight into this new emerging
face of the international political economy.
All is not well in the World Trade Organization. Does a global
economy require global institutions? One possible alternative is
interregionalism: economic integration between two distinct
regions. This book explores the logic of interregionalism by
focusing on the European Union, which has pursued agreements with
Latin America, East Asia, and the Southern Mediterranean, among
others. Why has the EU pursued this strategy? Based on a novel
theoretical framework, the authors in this book explore EU
interregionalism to provide us with insight into this new emerging
face of the international political economy.
This book is the author's attempt to translate his knowledge of
peace studies into the language of sociology, so that the former
can be grasped as a more complete whole. It aims to increase
interest among sociologists in issues of war and peace because they
provide food for sociological thought.
When the Nazis took power in 1933, most Germans did not foresee the
oncoming storm. Many were wildly enthusiastic; some were alarmed;
most were worried but trusted that things would work out. In short,
they felt much as Americans have felt from time to time. Brian E.
Fogarty's Fascism: Why Not Here? draws parallels between German
culture of the early twentieth century and American culture today.
While Fogarty postulates that it would take a confluence of events
and circumstances to propel Americans into the arms of fascism, he
concludes that it is not entirely unlikely. Today, less than a
decade after his original warning, some of those events are
beginning to unfold. As Americans become more divided, as formerly
nonpartisan institutions are politicized, and as Congress becomes
increasingly paralyzed, we are forced to ask: how do we respond to
a political outsider's rally cries to "make America great again"?
In examining the similarities and differences between Nazi Germany
and America today, Fogarty finds many reasons for hope that
Americans will not fall victim to such chauvinistic appeal, but he
also finds plenty to worry about. He points out that contemporary
Americans and Germans of the 1920s and 1930s share many similar
values, ideals, fears, and beliefs. Fogarty's strong words of
caution will resonate with anyone concerned about America's
political future and the freedoms we too often take for granted.
When the Nazis took power in 1933, most Germans did not foresee the
oncoming storm. Many were wildly enthusiastic; some were alarmed;
most were worried but trusted that things would work out. In short,
they felt much as Americans have felt from time to time. "Fascism:
Why Not Here?" draws parallels between German culture of the early
twentieth century and American culture today, concluding that
fascism could arise in America but not through either of the major
political parties. While Fogarty postulates that it would take a
confluence of events and circumstances to propel Americans into the
arms of fascism, he concludes that it is not entirely unlikely. If
the war against terrorism were to become more costly and less
effective, if the economy were to tailspin, and if we were to
endure several other major terrorist attacks, how would we respond
to a political outsider s bold and decisive plan to end partisan
bickering and make America great again? In examining the
similarities and differences between Nazi Germany and America
today, Fogarty finds many reasons for hope that Americans would not
fall victim to such a chauvinisitic appeal, but he also finds
plenty to worry about. He points out that contemporary Americans
and Germans of the 1920s and 1930s share many similar values,
ideals, fears, and beliefs. Fogarty s strong words of caution will
appeal to any reader who is concerned about America s political
future and the freedoms we too often take for granted.
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