Based on an insider's knowledge of weaponry and actual Israeli and Egyptian battle strategies, this book examines how two of the strongest regional militaries would likely fight a high intensity war in the Middle East.

This book offers an in depth discussion of the Israeli - Iranian conflict, and its implications for the United States and Arab states. The main topic is Israel's approach to handling Iran and its partners, given Iran's ambitions, including its plan to produce nuclear weapons. The author explains the complexity of the Iranian - Israeli - Arab triangle, while offering suggestions on how the United States can assist Israel in this matter. The volume also contributes a unique point of view on events and military factors.

Israel borders four states - Syria, Egypt, Jordan and Lebanon, and two entities - the Palestinian authority in the West Bank and Hamas in the Gaza stip. In recent years, despite incidents on the border with Syria and Egypt, the basic strategic status quo with these countries has not changed, and the overall balance of power between Israel and the Arabs has been maintained. Due to its military might, none of Israel's Arab neighbours are able to defeat it. Israel, however, for political, economic and military reasons, avoids enforcing its will and interfering in internal Arab matters and has successfully managed to stay out of the Arab turmoil. Israel, the Arabs and Iran gives a detailed overview of the various national security challenges that Israel has faced since 2011. It explains the key considerations and constraints Israel has had to deal with on several fronts, from its northern border with Lebanon to its southern border with Egypt. The book provides the reader with a deep understanding of why and how Israel has struggled to keep the status quo, whilst a large part of the Middle East remains in turmoil. The book is aimed at anyone studying Israel, its Foreign Policy, Middle Eastern Politics and International Relations. It will also appeal to government officials, military officers and anyone working or interested in national security issues concerning the Middle East and particularly Israel.

Israel has fought many wars since its founding in 1948, from conventional military conflicts with Arab forces to irregular clashes with guerrilla and terror groups. A study of these confrontations reveals strategic and military patterns. Written by a former member of the Israel Defense Forces, this book compares the wars fought in Lebanon against the Palestinian Liberation Organization (1982) and against Hezbollah (2006), and in the Gaza Strip (1956, 1967, 2008-2009 and 2014). The author draws similarities between Israel and the Western states-mainly the United States and Britain-in their waging of conventional and irregular warfare, comparing the Vietnam War to Israel's struggle with Hezbollah in the 1990s.

This book offers an in depth discussion of the Israeli – Iranian conflict, and its implications for the United States and Arab states. The main topic is Israel’s approach to handling Iran and its partners, given Iran’s ambitions, including its plan to produce nuclear weapons. The author explains the complexity of the Iranian – Israeli – Arab triangle, while offering suggestions on how the United States can assist Israel in this matter. The volume also contributes a unique point of view on events and military factors.

Israel's military doctrine was aimed at defeating powerful Arab militaries, mostly those of Egypt, Syria and Jordan. In the years 1948-1982 Israel and Arab states had a series of wars i.e. high intensity wars. Israel, since 1948, also dealt with guerrilla and terror attacks. Since 1982 and mostly in the last 15 years Israel faced hybrid forces, Hamas and Hezbollah. Those groups are a mix between a conventional military and a guerrilla group. Israel fought against Hezbollah in Lebanon in 2006 and against Hamas in the Gaza Strip, mostly in two wars, in 2008-2009 and in 2014. This book begins with explaining Israel's national security policy. Then it focuses on how the IDF (Israel defense forces) had to adjust its doctrine and build up to confront hybrid forces, by examining Israel's air and the ground corps and major issues such as offense and defense, infrastructure and manpower. The IDF can inflict heavy casualties and damages to a hybrid foe. Yet destroying the latter is a tall order because Hezbollah and Hamas are too elusive, they hide inside populated areas etc. However, compared with past wars against Arab states, there is much less danger to Israel let alone to its survival since even a coalition between Hezbollah, Hamas and other groups can't defeat the IDF. Furthermore since fighting a hybrid force is less demanding than running a high intensity war against an Arab state, then Israel does not rely that much on the United States in receiving weapon systems, ammunition and spare parts.

Containment in the Middle East is expressed in many ways. The United States and Israel strive to contain Iran, including its nuclear project. However there were disputes between the United States and Israel about how to do that, particularly in regard to the military option. It seems that the United States managed both to contain Israel so the latter will not bomb Iran and to contain Iran's nuclear project, to a certain degree. This book discuss containment in the Middle East using recent examples, including the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Journalist and Middle-East scholar Ehud Eilam provides an overarching look at containment, providing important and timely insight on the extremely fluid political situation in the Middle East. Containment serves several purposes. For both Israel and the Palestinian Authority it has been an alternative to negotiations, until the two sides can agree / force the other to restart the talks. For the United States it was a way to avoid a war, in dealing with Iran's nuclear program. Israel also has been trying to prevent a confrontation in the Gaza Strip by relying on containment, which often worked. This approach, a result of the policy of both sides, has caused suffering to the people living in the Gaza Strip. In other cases containment was meant to weaken the foe without starting a war, as Israel did by bombing shipments of weapons to Hezbollah. Containment was also part of a war, like in suppressing insurgents in Egypt and Syria, which cost the population there dearly, in particular in Syria. This approach was a compromise due to lack of ability to defeat the enemy yet in Syria eventually Assad managed to basically win. Middle East containment served Israel, the United States, and others, but was often also used against those states.

During the Syrian civil war in late 2013, Bashar al-Assad used chemical weapons, which almost brought the United States into the war. However, this was prevented by an agreement that disarmed Assad from most of his chemical weapons. This showed the importance of diplomacy, backed by the possible use of force. Currently, Israel is trying to disrupt Iran's efforts to build a base in Syria, but with limited results. Iran's proxy, Hezbollah, might confront Israel in response. Estimating if and how Hezbollah might take this huge risk needs to be a serious consideration for Israel when deciding to attack Iran or not. Israel's focus must be on Iran's nuclear program, its most urgent problem The author argues that the Unites States, the Gulf Arab states, and Israel should build a coalition against Iran and control Iran's nuclear program.