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This book examines Sino-African relations and their impact on
Africa. It argues that Africa's relationship with China has had a
profound impact on key sectors in Africa-economic and political
development, the media, infrastructural development, foreign direct
investments, loans, debt peonage, and international relations. The
authors also analyze the imperialist and neo-colonialist
implications of this relationship and discuss the degree to which
the relationship is beneficial to Africa.
As important as state-to-state and multi-state cooperation have
long proven to be, many countries in the Global South have yet to
fully explore its potentials. Despite their shared history of
slavery, colonialism, and underdevelopment, Africa, Latin America,
and the Caribbean currently show a lack of significant cooperation.
Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean: The Case for Bilateral
and Multilateral Cooperation, therefore, makes the case for an
increased and renewed effort at bilateral and multilateral
cooperation between the three regions. In this multidisciplinary
work, scholars make the case for renewing, continuing, and
deepening relationships between the people, the state, and the
non-governmental organizations in the three spheres-taking not only
an economic and political point of view, but also considering
sociological, geographical, and historical perspectives as well.
For about one hundred years, Pan-Africanism-as a social, cultural,
economic, political, and philosophical idea-thrived. Towards the
tail-end of the twentieth century, however, it waned. But in more
recent times, there has been noticeable resurgence. And as we
approach the second decade of the twenty-first century, there are
indications of significant transformations vis-a-vis the role and
place of Pan-Africanism and Pan-Africanists. Consequently, this
book offers a new, further, and better understanding of
Pan-Africanism-not just from the traditional, African, and African
American points of view, but also from a global perspective. It
does so by offering an analysis of its early years in terms of the
personalities, ideas, and conferences that shaped it; it also
examines many of the factors that brought about its decline-and its
eventual rebirth. Contributing to this seminal work are scholars of
different but complementary styles and intellect, who deviate from
the more traditional or obvious approaches. For instance, one of
the chapters explores Pan-Africanism from the geographic
perspective, while another examines the role and place of women in
the Pan-African movement. There are also voices that advance the
conversation from the regional and continental viewpoint-hence
chapters that investigate the status of Pan-Africanism in Latin
America, in the Caribbean, and Islam and Pan-Africanism in the
modern world. Ethnonationalism and xenophobia are also part of the
treatise because, increasingly, these injurious phenomena are
reemerging in Africa's landscape and consciousness. In an
increasingly interdependent and interrelated world, this book also
suggests that Pan-Africanism will undergo a metamorphosis: problems
and challenges will be seen and tackled from the globalization and
global common perspective. Pan-Africanism in Modern Times goes
beyond the historicity of Pan-Africanism and examines the
challenges, concerns, and constraints it faces; and also examines
it from an inclusive perspective to have a broader understanding of
this phenomenon and its future trajectory.
The post-1959 Cuban government's engagement with Africa, which was
led by its charismatic and revolutionary leader, Fidel Castro, had
two connecting dimensions: military internationalism and
humanitarian internationalism. While African states and societies
benefited immensely from these engagements, it was Fidel Castro's
military assistance towards the decolonization of and the pushback
of Apartheid South Africa that received the loudest attention and
ovation in the developing world. Fidel Castro, this book argues,
was never motivated by economic, selfish, or geopolitical
considerations; but rather, by the altruism and the certainty of
his worldview and by the historical connection between the peoples
of Cuba and Africa. The principle of international solidary,
socialism, and the emancipation of Africa was a much-desired
aspiration and attainment. Beginning covertly in Algeria in 1961
and the Congo and Guinea-Bissau in 1964; and more conspicuously in
Angola in 1975, Fidel Castro and his socialist government was at
the forefront supporting liberation movements in their struggle
against colonialism. Defining Castro's engagement with Africa was
his support for the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola
(MPLA) against the United States-backed Apartheid South Africa,
which supported the National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA) and
the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA).
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