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Click here to see a video interview with Emelio Betances. Click
here to access the tables referenced in the book. Since the 1960s,
the Catholic Church has acted as a mediator during social and
political change in many Latin American countries, especially the
Dominican Republic, Bolivia, Guatemala, Nicaragua, and El Salvador.
Although the Catholic clergy was called in during political crises
in all five countries, the situation in the Dominican Republic was
especially notable because the Church's role as mediator was
eventually institutionalized. Because the Dominican state was
persistently weak, the Church was able to secure the support of the
Balaguer regime (1966–1978) and ensure social and political
cohesion and stability. Emelio Betances analyzes the particular
circumstances that allowed the Church in the Dominican Republic to
accommodate the political and social establishment; the Church
offered non-partisan political mediation, rebuilt its ties with the
lower echelons of society, and responded to the challenges of the
evangelical movement. The author's historical examination of
church-state relations in the Dominican Republic leads to important
regional comparisons that broaden our understanding of the Catholic
Church in the whole of Latin America.
This book offers an analysis of the formation of the Dominican
state and explores the development of state-society relations since
the late nineteenth century. Emelio Betances argues that the
groundwork for the establishment of a modern state was laid during
the regimes of Ulises Heureaux and Ramres. The U.S. military
government that followed later
Click here to see a video interview with Emelio Betances. Click
here to access the tables referenced in the book. Since the 1960s,
the Catholic Church has acted as a mediator during social and
political change in many Latin American countries, especially the
Dominican Republic, Bolivia, Guatemala, Nicaragua, and El Salvador.
Although the Catholic clergy was called in during political crises
in all five countries, the situation in the Dominican Republic was
especially notable because the Church's role as mediator was
eventually institutionalized. Because the Dominican state was
persistently weak, the Church was able to secure the support of the
Balaguer regime (1966 1978) and ensure social and political
cohesion and stability. Emelio Betances analyzes the particular
circumstances that allowed the Church in the Dominican Republic to
accommodate the political and social establishment; the Church
offered non-partisan political mediation, rebuilt its ties with the
lower echelons of society, and responded to the challenges of the
evangelical movement. The author's historical examination of
church-state relations in the Dominican Republic leads to important
regional comparisons that broaden our understanding of the Catholic
Church in the whole of Latin America."
This book combines a bottom-up and top-down approach to the study
of social movements in relationship to the development of
constituent and constituted power in Latin America. The
contributors to this volume argue that the radical transformation
of liberal representative democracy into participative democracy is
what colours these processes as revolutionary. The core themes
include popular sovereignty, constituted power, constituent power,
participatory democracy, free trade agreements, social citizenship,
as well as redistribution and recognition issues. Unlike other
collections, which provide broad coverage of social movements at
the expense of depth, this book is of thematic focus and
illuminates the relationships between rulers and ruled as they
transform liberal democracy.
This book offers an analysis of the formation of the Dominican
state and explores the development of state-society relations since
the late nineteenth century. Emelio Betances argues that the
groundwork for the establishment of a modern state was laid during
the regimes of Ulises Heureaux and Ramon Caceres. The U.S. military
government that followed later expanded and strengthened political
and administrative centralization. Between 1886 and 1924, these
administrations opened the sugar industry to foreign capital
investment, integrated Dominican finance into the international
credit system, and expanded the role of the military. State
expansion, however, was not accompanied by a strengthening of the
social and economic base of national elites. Betances suggests that
the imbalance between a strong state and a weak civil society
provided the structural framework for the emergence in 1930 of the
long-lived Trujillo dictatorship.Examining the links between
Trujillo and current caudillo Joaquin Balaguer, the author traces
continuities and discontinuities in economic and political
development through a study of import substitution programs, the
reemergence of new economic groups, and the use of the military to
counter threats to the status quo. Finally, he explores the impact
of foreign intervention and socioeconomic change on the process of
state and class formation since 1961.
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