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Communitarianism is currently the subject of much interest and
scrutiny by both liberals and conservatives. In Community and
Tradition, eight distinguished scholars articulate the clearest
statement to date of the conservative vision of community. In
contrast to the progressive model of community, which emphasizes
secular civil theologies, government, participatory democracy, and
utilitarian moralities, the contributors to this volume identify
and locate the roots of friendship and common purpose in tradition,
intermediate associations, local autonomy, and religious belief.
Not only do the contributors renew and refine the conservative
understanding of community, but they also express their belief that
the liberal version of community needs to be challenged. This
volume is essential reading for all political theorists who study
the balance between rights and responsibilities within the context
of the community.
Over the years the Supreme Court of the United States, and other
courts, have been subjects of controversy, disagreement, praise,
and condemnation. Many of the expressed misgivings regarding the
expansion of judicial power have been born out by the decisions
reflected not only in the verdicts of the Supreme Court of the
United States, but also in other judicial forums of American
society. The effect of these decisions has resulted in an attack on
the American civil society that compels the nation to follow
courses of development that, were they to be legitimate, would have
emanated from the political institutions of the country, not from
the legal institutions. The Most Dangerous Branch is a collection
of essays that provide support for these contentions and hope to
prompt citizens to demand greater responsibility by the courts and
their adherence to their proper role in a system under the rule of
law.
Willmoore Kendall: Maverick of American Conservatives provides the
first book-length study of a man long regarded as a founding father
of American intellectual conservatism. This edited collection
brings together a diverse range of perspectives on Kendall's life
and work and places the post-World War II political theorist in the
context of modern American conservatism. Far from providing a
monolithic view of Kendall's thought, the contributions illuminate
an unconventional, often contradictory, thinker. The book traces
the development of Kendall's body of political thought from his
early years in Oxford, through his work on John Locke, to the later
speculation that produced The Basic Symbols of the American
Political Tradition , and analyzes the influence of Leo Strauss on
his later work. Including, for the first time in print, the
complete correspondence between Kendall and Strauss that
significantly shaped Kendall's later work, Willmoore Kendall is a
vital contribution to American intellectual history.
Willmoore Kendall: Maverick of American Conservatives provides the
first book-length study of a man long regarded as a founding father
of American intellectual conservatism. This edited collection
brings together a diverse range of perspectives on Kendall's life
and work and places the post-World War II political theorist in the
context of modern American conservatism. Far from providing a
monolithic view of Kendall's thought, the contributions illuminate
an unconventional, often contradictory, thinker. The book traces
the development of Kendall's body of political thought from his
early years in Oxford, through his work on John Locke, to the later
speculation that produced The Basic Symbols of the American
Political Tradition , and analyzes the influence of Leo Strauss on
his later work. Including, for the first time in print, the
complete correspondence between Kendall and Strauss that
significantly shaped Kendall's later work, Willmoore Kendall is a
vital contribution to American intellectual history.
The crisis of western civilization is a crisis of public
philosophy. This is the charge of Public Philosophy and Political
Science, a stunning new collection of essays edited by E. Robert
Statham Jr. Vividly cataloging the decay of the moral and
intellectual foundations of civic liberty, the book portrays a
generation of Americans alienated from institutions built on public
philosophy. The work exposes the failure of America's political
scientists to acknowledge and understand this alarming crisis in
the American body politic. The distinguished contributors examine
the evolution of public philosophy; the inextricable relationship
between politics and philosophy; and the interplay between public
philosophy, the constitution, natural law, and government. They
reveal the dire threat to deliberative democracy and the
fundamental order of constitutional society posed by public
philosophy's waning power to refine, cultivate, and civilize. The
work is an indictment of a society which has discarded a way of
life rooted in natural law, democracy and the traditions of
civility; and is a denunciation of an educated elite that has
divorced itself from the standards upon which public philosophy
rests. It is essential reading for philosophers and political and
social scientists seeking to resurrect the standards of American
public life.
The crisis of western civilization is a crisis of public
philosophy. This is the charge of Public Philosophy and Political
Science, a stunning new collection of essays edited by E. Robert
Statham Jr. Vividly cataloging the decay of the moral and
intellectual foundations of civic liberty, the book portrays a
generation of Americans alienated from institutions built on public
philosophy. The work exposes the failure of America's political
scientists to acknowledge and understand this alarming crisis in
the American body politic. The distinguished contributors examine
the evolution of public philosophy; the inextricable relationship
between politics and philosophy; and the interplay between public
philosophy, the constitution, natural law, and government. They
reveal the dire threat to deliberative democracy and the
fundamental order of constitutional society posed by public
philosophy's waning power to refine, cultivate, and civilize. The
work is an indictment of a society which has discarded a way of
life rooted in natural law, democracy and the traditions of
civility; and is a denunciation of an educated elite that has
divorced itself from the standards upon which public philosophy
rests. It is essential reading for philosophers and political and
social scientists seeking to resurrect the standards of American
public life.
When it was first published twenty-five years ago, this classic
work of political theory gained notoriety because neither its
approach nor its interpretations readily fit into any of the major
schools of thought dealing with the American political tradition.
More significantly, its arguments challenged core tenets of what
had become received wisdom concerning the roots of our political
beliefs and institutions. Willmoore Kendall and George W. Carey
argue that a new, largely contrived political tradition has gained
currency in many legal, academic, and political circles. This new
tradition, set forth by Lincoln in his Gettysburg Address, holds
that our fundamental political ideas are derived from the Bill of
Rights and the "all men are created equal" clause of the
Declaration of Independence. Proponents of this view not only
champion individual rights but also believe that the achievement of
a broadly defined equality represents a binding but as yet
unfulfilled promise made by the American people in the Declaration.
In the present work, Kendall and Carey instead maintain that one
must look to the founding era and its key documents in order to
understand our indigenous political tradition. In so doing, one
sees that the right of the people to govern themselves, rather than
the concept of individual rights, is at the heart of the American
political tradition. Using the analytical approach developed by
Eric Voegelin, the authors examine the documents that are vital to
an understanding of our political origins: "the Mayflower
Compact,"" the Fundamental Orders of Connecticut,"" the
Massachusetts Body of Liberties, the Virginia Bill of Rights, the
Constitution" itself, and "the FederalistPapers." At the same time,
they consider questions highly relevant to the subsequent course of
American political development. This thought-provoking book
contributes important arguments to the fundamental debate over the
place of equality in our political self-understanding. It will
continue to be of immense interest to all serious students of
American political thought.
Carey is considered one of the most influential contributors to
American political thought in the last half-century. On the
Georgetown campus in Washington, D.C., where he is Professor of
Government, Carey shares his concerns about such subjects as the
foundations of political order, the origins and intent of the
American republic, and the ultimate crisis of 'derailment'
befalling the republic. Interviewer Bruce Frohnen describes Carey
as 'one of the preeminent interpreters of the nature and history of
the American experiment in ordered liberty and self-government'. In
this DVD, Carey engages viewers as he shares insights and opinions
on modern American political thought. Approximate running time of
this title is 76 minutes.
"Throughout this scrupulously researched interpretation of The
Federalist papers, Carey provides a glimpse of our Republic's
original design. He shows us what kind of federal union The
Federalist's authors had in mind, and indicates how we have strayed
from their intent." -- Paul Gottfried, National Review "The best
book yet published on The Federalist." -- Paul Peterson, The Review
of Politics "Serious scholars of American politics will find it
stimulating and useful in deepening their own understanding of the
American regime." -- Charles E. Umbanhowar, Perspectives on
Political Science "Likely to become a classic in its own right. The
Federalist is excellent: well organized, carefully considered,
incisive, lucid, concise, and masterful." -- Ellis Sandoz, author
of A Government of Laws: Political Theory, Religion, and the
American Founding
Americans are increasingly ruled by an unwritten constitution
consisting of executive orders, signing statements, and other forms
of quasi-law that lack the predictability and consistency essential
for the legal system to function properly. As a result, the U.S.
Constitution no longer means what it says to the people it is
supposed to govern, and the government no longer acts according to
the rule of law. These developments can be traced back to a change
in "constitutional morality," Bruce Frohnen and George Carey argue
in this challenging book. The principle of separation of powers
among co-equal branches of government formed the cornerstone of
America's original constitutional morality. But toward the end of
the nineteenth century, Progressives began to attack this bedrock
principle, believing that it impeded government from "doing the
people's business." The regime of mixed powers, delegation, and
expansive legal interpretation they instituted rejected the ideals
of limited government that had given birth to the Constitution.
Instead, Progressives promoted a governmental model rooted in
French revolutionary claims. They replaced a Constitution designed
to mediate among society's different geographic and socioeconomic
groups with a body of quasi-laws commanding the democratic
reformation of society. Pursuit of this Progressive vision has
become ingrained in American legal and political culture-at the
cost, according to Frohnen and Carey, of the constitutional
safeguards that preserve the rule of law.
This Is A New Release Of The Original 1917 Edition.
This Is A New Release Of The Original 1917 Edition.
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