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How do aspiring and established rising global powers respond to
conflict? Using China, the book studies its response to wars and
rivalries in the Middle East from the Cold War to the present.
Since the People's Republic was established in 1949, China has long
been involved in the Middle East and its conflicts, from exploiting
or avoiding them to their management, containment or resolution.
Using a conflict and peace studies angle, Burton adopts a broad
perspective on Chinese engagement by looking at its involvement in
the region's conflicts including Israel/Palestine, Iraq before and
after 2003, Sudan and the Darfur crisis, the Iranian nuclear deal,
the Gulf crisis and the wars in Syria, Libya and Yemen. The book
reveals how a rising global and non-Western power handles the
challenges associated with both violent and nonviolent conflict and
the differences between limiting and reducing violence alongside
other ways to eliminate the causes of conflict and grievance.
Contributing to the wider discipline of International Relations and
peace and conflict studies, this book will be of interest to
students and scholars of peace and conflict studies, Chinese
foreign policy and the politics and international relations of the
Middle East.
What has been the role of rising powers in the Arab-Israeli
conflict? What does this tell us about rising powers and conflict
management as well as rising powers' behavior in the world more
generally? This book studies the way that five rising
powers-Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, the BRICS
countries-have approached the conflict since it first became
internationalized in 1947. Conflict management consists of
different methods, from peacekeeping to mediation and the use of
economic incentives and sanctions and (non)enforcement of
international legal decisions. What distinguishes them is whether
they are active or passive: active measures seek to transform a
conflict and resolve it; passive measures seek to ameliorate its
worst effects, but do not change their underlying causes. Since
1947 rising powers' active or passive use of these methods has
coincided with their rise and fall and rise again in the
international system. Those rises and falls are tied to global
changes, including the Cold War, the emergence of the Third World,
economic and ideological retrenchment of the 1980s and 1990s and
the shift from unipolarity to multipolarity after 2000. In summary,
rising powers' management of the Arab-Israeli conflict has shifted
from active to more passive methods since 1947. Their actions have
occurred alongside two key changes within the conflict. One is the
shift from a primarily state-based conflict between Israel and the
Arabs to one that is more ethnic and territorial in scope, between
Israel and the Palestinians. The other the emergence of the Oslo
framework which has frozen power imbalance between Israel and the
Palestinians since 1993. By pursuing the Oslo process, rising
powers have separated conflict management from developing 'normal'
diplomatic and economic exchanges with Israel and the Palestinians.
In adopting this more passive conflict management approach, rising
powers are disregarding both emerging alternatives that may
potentially transform the conflict's dynamics (including
involvement with civil society actors like the Boycott, Divestment
and Sanctions movement) and undertaking more active efforts at
conflict resolution-and presenting themselves as global powers.
How do aspiring and established rising global powers respond to
conflict? Using China, the book studies its response to wars and
rivalries in the Middle East from the Cold War to the present.
Since the People's Republic was established in 1949, China has long
been involved in the Middle East and its conflicts, from exploiting
or avoiding them to their management, containment or resolution.
Using a conflict and peace studies angle, Burton adopts a broad
perspective on Chinese engagement by looking at its involvement in
the region's conflicts including Israel/Palestine, Iraq before and
after 2003, Sudan and the Darfur crisis, the Iranian nuclear deal,
the Gulf crisis and the wars in Syria, Libya and Yemen. The book
reveals how a rising global and non-Western power handles the
challenges associated with both violent and nonviolent conflict and
the differences between limiting and reducing violence alongside
other ways to eliminate the causes of conflict and grievance.
Contributing to the wider discipline of International Relations and
peace and conflict studies, this book will be of interest to
students and scholars of peace and conflict studies, Chinese
foreign policy and the politics and international relations of the
Middle East.
What has been the role of rising powers in the Arab-Israeli
conflict? What does this tell us about rising powers and conflict
management as well as rising powers' behavior in the world more
generally? This book studies the way that five rising
powers-Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, the BRICS
countries-have approached the conflict since it first became
internationalized in 1947. Conflict management consists of
different methods, from peacekeeping to mediation and the use of
economic incentives and sanctions and (non)enforcement of
international legal decisions. What distinguishes them is whether
they are active or passive: active measures seek to transform a
conflict and resolve it; passive measures seek to ameliorate its
worst effects, but do not change their underlying causes. Since
1947 rising powers' active or passive use of these methods has
coincided with their rise and fall and rise again in the
international system. Those rises and falls are tied to global
changes, including the Cold War, the emergence of the Third World,
economic and ideological retrenchment of the 1980s and 1990s and
the shift from unipolarity to multipolarity after 2000. In summary,
rising powers' management of the Arab-Israeli conflict has shifted
from active to more passive methods since 1947. Their actions have
occurred alongside two key changes within the conflict. One is the
shift from a primarily state-based conflict between Israel and the
Arabs to one that is more ethnic and territorial in scope, between
Israel and the Palestinians. The other the emergence of the Oslo
framework which has frozen power imbalance between Israel and the
Palestinians since 1993. By pursuing the Oslo process, rising
powers have separated conflict management from developing 'normal'
diplomatic and economic exchanges with Israel and the Palestinians.
In adopting this more passive conflict management approach, rising
powers are disregarding both emerging alternatives that may
potentially transform the conflict's dynamics (including
involvement with civil society actors like the Boycott, Divestment
and Sanctions movement) and undertaking more active efforts at
conflict resolution-and presenting themselves as global powers.
What is presidential leadership and why have some presidents been
considered "great" - or rather "transformational" - while others
are not? What are the drivers which distinguish these presidents
from the rest? Presidential Leadership in the Americas since
Independence answers these questions through a systematic study of
leadership across the Americas over 200 years, from independence to
the present day. Having surveyed who the most cited presidents are
in the Americas, Guy Burton and Ted Goertzel examine the experience
of presidents from across the western hemisphere: the US,
Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Peru and Venezuela.
They study the relationship between these men and women's actions
within the constraints they faced during four political periods:
independence, national consolidation during the nineteenth century,
state-building from the late nineteenth to mid twentieth centuries
and neoliberalism since the 1970s-80s. The most "transformational"
presidents are found to be those who are not only able to innovate
and build new political consensuses at a time of crisis, but also
consolidate them so that the reforms becoming lasting - and
extending beyond an individual president's own political (even
biological) lifetime.
What is presidential leadership and why have some presidents been
considered "great" - or rather "transformational" - while others
are not? What are the drivers which distinguish these presidents
from the rest? Presidential Leadership in the Americas since
Independence answers these questions through a systematic study of
leadership across the Americas over 200 years, from independence to
the present day. Having surveyed who the most cited presidents are
in the Americas, Guy Burton and Ted Goertzel examine the experience
of presidents from across the western hemisphere: the US,
Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Peru and Venezuela.
They study the relationship between these men and women's actions
within the constraints they faced during four political periods:
independence, national consolidation during the nineteenth century,
state-building from the late nineteenth to mid twentieth centuries
and neoliberalism since the 1970s-80s. The most "transformational"
presidents are found to be those who are not only able to innovate
and build new political consensuses at a time of crisis, but also
consolidate them so that the reforms becoming lasting - and
extending beyond an individual president's own political (even
biological) lifetime.
The focus for students of Latin America in the past decade has been
on the political forces of the left and the so-called "pink tide"
presidencies attempting to bring about social and economic change
in the region. However, there has been far less attention paid to
the rightwing political forces resisting such change. Such
opposition is being orchestrated by political parties, business,
the private media and other social and cultural institutions and is
linked to the "soft power" of US diplomacy. In recent years its
activities have often appeared to challenge the democratic process
itself. This volume, from the editors of the acclaimed "Reclaiming
Latin America, " addresses the current trajectories of rightwing
politics in Latin America in the face of leftist governments and
regional alliances, the discrediting of neoliberalism, and the
decline of US hegemony. It includes overview chapters on historical
context and rightwing typologies; US policy towards Latin America;
the role of US-based think-tanks; the role of transnational
business and of the private media, as well as offering
country-specific chapters on key states with rightwing governments
(Mexico, Colombia and Peru) and on opposition to left-of-center
governments in Venezuela, Bolivia, Cuba, Brazil, Paraguay,
Argentina and Chile. It will also consider the recent political
victories obtained by the Latin American right through the polls
and by force in Chile, Panama and Honduras. A revealing and
important book for anyone interested in contemporary Latin American
politics.
Reclaiming Latin America is a one-stop guide to the revival of
social democratic and socialist politics across the region. At the
end of the Cold War, and through decades of neoliberal domination
and the 'Washington Consensus' it seemed that the left could do
nothing but beat a ragged retreat in Latin America. Yet this book
looks at the new opportunities that sprang up through electoral
politics and mass action during that period. The chapters here warn
against over-simplification of the so-called 'pink wave'. Instead,
through detailed historical analysis of Latin America as a whole
and country-specific case studies, the book demonstrates the
variety of approaches to establishing a lasting social justice.
From the anti-imperialism of the Bolivarian Alternative for the
Americas in Venezuela, Bolivia and Cuba, to the more gradualist
routes being taken in Chile, Argentina and Brazil, Reclaiming Latin
America gives a real sense of the plurality of political responses
to popular discontent.
Reclaiming Latin America is a one-stop guide to the revival of
social democratic and socialist politics across the region. At the
end of the Cold War, and through decades of neoliberal domination
and the 'Washington Consensus' it seemed that the left could do
nothing but beat a ragged retreat in Latin America. Yet this book
looks at the new opportunities that sprang up through electoral
politics and mass action during that period. The chapters here warn
against over-simplification of the so-called 'pink wave'. Instead,
through detailed historical analysis of Latin America as a whole
and country-specific case studies, the book demonstrates the
variety of approaches to establishing a lasting social justice.
From the anti-imperialism of the Bolivarian Alternative for the
Americas in Venezuela, Bolivia and Cuba, to the more gradualist
routes being taken in Chile, Argentina and Brazil, Reclaiming Latin
America gives a real sense of the plurality of political responses
to popular discontent.
The focus for students of Latin America in the past decade has been
on the political forces of the left and the so-called "pink tide"
presidencies attempting to bring about social and economic change
in the region. However, there has been far less attention paid to
the rightwing political forces resisting such change. Such
opposition is being orchestrated by political parties, business,
the private media and other social and cultural institutions and is
linked to the "soft power" of US diplomacy. In recent years its
activities have often appeared to challenge the democratic process
itself. This volume, from the editors of the acclaimed "Reclaiming
Latin America, " addresses the current trajectories of rightwing
politics in Latin America in the face of leftist governments and
regional alliances, the discrediting of neoliberalism, and the
decline of US hegemony. It includes overview chapters on historical
context and rightwing typologies; US policy towards Latin America;
the role of US-based think-tanks; the role of transnational
business and of the private media, as well as offering
country-specific chapters on key states with rightwing governments
(Mexico, Colombia and Peru) and on opposition to left-of-center
governments in Venezuela, Bolivia, Cuba, Brazil, Paraguay,
Argentina and Chile. It will also consider the recent political
victories obtained by the Latin American right through the polls
and by force in Chile, Panama and Honduras. A revealing and
important book for anyone interested in contemporary Latin American
politics.
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Paperback
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R398
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Discovery Miles 3 300
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