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Though often depicted as a rapid political transformation, the Nazi
seizure of power was in fact a process that extended from the
appointment of the Papen cabinet in the early summer of 1932
through the Roehm blood purge two years later. Across fourteen
rigorous and carefully researched chapters, From Weimar to Hitler
offers a compelling collective investigation of this critical
period in modern German history. Each case study presents new
empirical research on the crisis of Weimar democracy, the
establishment of the Nazi dictatorship, and Hitler's consolidation
of power. Together, they provide multiple perspectives on the
extent to which the triumph of Nazism was historically
predetermined or the product of human miscalculation and intent.
As the Nazis staged their takeover in 1933, instances of
antisemitic violence began to soar. While previous historical
research assumed that this violence happened much later, Hermann
Beck counteracts this, drawing on sources from twenty German
archives, and focussing on this early violence, and on the reaction
of German institutions and the elites who led them. Before the
Holocaust examines the antisemitic violence experienced in this
period - from boycotts, violent attacks, robbery, extortion,
abductions, and humiliating 'pillory marches', to grievous bodily
harm and murder - which has hitherto not been adequately
recognized. Beck then analyses the reactions of those institutions
that still had the capacity to protest against Nazi attacks and
legislative measures - the Protestant Church, the Catholic Church,
the bureaucracies, and Hitler's conservative coalition partner, the
DNVP - and the mindset of the elites who led them, to determine
their various responses to flagrant antisemitic abuses. Individual
protests against violent attacks, the April boycott, and Nazi
legislative measures were already hazardous in March and April
1933, but established institutions in the German State and society
were still able to voice their concerns and raise objections. By
doing so, they might have stopped or at least postponed a
radicalization that eventually led to the pogrom of 1938
(Kristallnacht) and the Holocaust.
On 30 January 1933, Alfred Hugenberg's conservative German National
People's Party (DNVP) formed a coalition government with the Nazi
Party, thus enabling Hitler to accede to the chancellorship. This
book analyzes in detail the complicated relationship between
Conservatives and Nazis and offers a re-interpretation of the Nazi
seizure of power - the decisive months between 30 January and 14
July 1933. The Machtergreifung is characterized here as a period of
all-pervasive violence and lawlessness with incessant conflicts
between Nazis and German Nationals and Nazi attacks on the
conservative Burgertum, a far cry from the traditional depiction of
the takeover as a relatively bloodless, virtually sterile
assumption of power by one vast impersonal apparatus wresting
control from another. The author scrutinizes the revolutionary
character of the Nazi seizure of power, the Nazis' attacks on the
conservative Burgertum and its values, and National Socialism's
co-optation of conservative symbols of state power to serve
radically new goals, while addressing the issue of why the DNVP was
complicit in this and paradoxically participated in eroding the
foundations of its very own principles and bases of support.
On 30 January 1933, Alfred Hugenberg's conservative German National
People's Party (DNVP) formed a coalition government with the Nazi
Party, thus enabling Hitler to accede to the chancellorship. This
book analyzes in detail the complicated relationship between
Conservatives and Nazis and offers a re-interpretation of the Nazi
seizure of power - the decisive months between 30 January and 14
July 1933. The Machtergreifung is characterized here as a period of
all-pervasive violence and lawlessness with incessant conflicts
between Nazis and German Nationals and Nazi attacks on the
conservative Burgertum, a far cry from the traditional depiction of
the takeover as a relatively bloodless, virtually sterile
assumption of power by one vast impersonal apparatus wresting
control from another. The author scrutinizes the revolutionary
character of the Nazi seizure of power, the Nazis' attacks on the
conservative Burgertum and its values, and National Socialism's
co-optation of conservative symbols of state power to serve
radically new goals, while addressing the issue of why the DNVP was
complicit in this and paradoxically participated in eroding the
foundations of its very own principles and bases of support.
Though often depicted as a rapid political transformation, the Nazi
seizure of power was in fact a process that extended from the
appointment of the Papen cabinet in the early summer of 1932
through the Roehm blood purge two years later. Across fourteen
rigorous and carefully researched chapters, From Weimar to Hitler
offers a compelling collective investigation of this critical
period in modern German history. Each case study presents new
empirical research on the crisis of Weimar democracy, the
establishment of the Nazi dictatorship, and Hitler's consolidation
of power. Together, they provide multiple perspectives on the
extent to which the triumph of Nazism was historically
predetermined or the product of human miscalculation and intent.
Erweitert um den Baustoff Glas, werden die Kriterien fur die
Formgebung und die bauliche Durchbildung sowie die Bemessung von
Bauteilen anhand einfacher und anschaulicher Regeln vermittelt.
Solche werden aus einfachen Gleichgewichtsbetrachtungen und aus dem
Verhalten der Bauteile bei Belastung hergeleitet. Das Buch hilft
dem im Entwerfen noch weniger Geubtem, ein Tragsystem wesensgerecht
zu einem Tragwerk auszuformen. Es weckt das Gespur fur konstruktive
Zusammenhange und fur die geeignete Verwendung der Baustoffe, sei
es Aluminium, Glas, Holz, Stahl, Stahlbeton oder Spannbeton.
"
Das historische Buch k nnen zahlreiche Rechtschreibfehler, fehlende
Texte, Bilder, oder einen Index. K ufer k nnen eine kostenlose
gescannte Kopie des Originals (ohne Tippfehler) durch den Verlag.
1901. Nicht dargestellt. Auszug: ... ihn der eine in das Gemach,
der andere aber herausziehen zc. Jm Gebete suchte und fand Klee,
wie er bekennt, Klarheit und Festigkeit im Beharren bei Luther und
Brenz. Es gew hrt Jnteresse und ist sicher typisch f r den Weg, auf
dem in jenen Jahrzehnten mancher Christ aus dem Papsttum zur
evangelischen Kirche gekommen ist, zu beobachten, wie sich bei Klee
in ruhiger Entwicklung ohne gewaltsamen Bruch, wenn auch nicht ohne
innere K mpfe und unter mancherlei u eren Einfl ssen, der Uebergang
vom v terlichen Glauben zur evangelischen Erkenntnis vollzogen hat.
Zweites Kapitel. Die theologische Bildung. Vergegenw rtigen wir uns
den Boden, den Klee in Stra burg betreten hatte und aus dem er s r
die Folgezeit seine geistige Nahrung sog.') Seit der Er ffnung des
Gymnasiums 1538 hatte als dessen Rektor der bekannte Schulmann
Johann Sturm auf den Betrieb der humanistischen Studien
nachhaltenden Einflu ausge bt. Das Jdeal, das er verfolgte, war die
pietss litterata, die Verbindung klassischer Bildung mit
evangelischer Fr mmigkeit. Da dabei Sturm dem Latein die Pflege der
Muttersprache opferte, wird man ihm in einem Zeitalter, in dem der
Sinn f r diese nur bei wenigen zu treffen war, nicht zu hoch
anrechnen d rfen. Dagegen brach er mit den scholastischen Methoden
und Spitzfindigkeiten, vereinfachte die Dialektik und verband sie
mit der Rhetorik, auch gab er der Mathematik und Physik wieder die
ihnen geb hrende Stellung im Unterrichte. Sturm war, als Klee etwa
1587 nach Stra burg kam, seit sechs Jahren seines Amtes entsetzt,
doch auf seinem Gymnasium lebte sein Geist fort. Mit diesem kam
Klee w hrend der n chsten Jahre in Ber hrung. Wic...
Prussia's social and political structure, institutions, and values
were in many ways formative for German history after 1871. After
unification Prussia accounted for roughly two-thirds of the
empire's size and population, but its weight within Germany was
even greater because Prussia in large part molded the German
identity and shaped Germany's image abroad.
"The Origins of the Authoritarian Welfare State in Prussia"
examines this Prussian/German identity. It investigates the complex
traditions of ideas, institutions, and social policy measures that
lay at the root of the conservative Prussian welfare state. The
examination of the ideas and policies of Prussian officials brings
out a peculiar welfare state mentality of benevolence and
patriarchal concern, pervaded by authoritarian streaks, that was
unique in nineteenth-century Europe. In addition, the study
analyzes the historiographical implications of the question of
continuity and discontinuity in German history.
"The Origins of the Authoritarian Welfare State in Prussia" is of
interest to scholars and students of German history as well as to
students of governmental social policy and of the workings of a
welfare state.
Hermann Beck is Associate Professor of History, University of
Miami.
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