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The euro crisis, several sovereign debt crises, the Great Recession, the refugee crisis, and Brexit have all challenged Europeans' willingness to show solidarity with other European citizens and member states of the European Union. European Solidarity in Times of Crisis provides a clear theoretical framework to understand European solidarity for the first time. It offers a systematic empirical approach to determine the strength and causes of European solidarity. The authors distinguish between four domains of solidarity and test a set of theoretically derived criteria with a unique dataset to investigate European solidarity. Based on a survey conducted in thirteen EU member states in 2016, the empirical analysis leads to some unanticipated results. Europeans display a notably higher degree of solidarity than many politicians and social scientists have presumed so far. This especially applies to the support of people in need (welfare solidarity) and the reduction of territorial disparities between rich and poor EU countries (territorial solidarity), but also to the domain of fiscal solidarity (financial support of indebted EU countries). This optimistic view is less true for the domain of refugee solidarity. While citizens of western and southern EU countries accept the accommodation of refugees and their allocation between European countries, the majority of people in eastern European countries do not share this point of view. The book will appeal to students and scholars in fields such as comparative sociology, political science, social policy and migration research, and European studies. It is also relevant to a non-academic audience interested in the development of the European project.
Since 2008, the European Union has been affected by one of the most severe crises in the history of Europe. This book builds on the work of Jurgen Habermas to answer the key question: is Europe strong enough to overcome the recent crisis? Arguing that recovery can only take place if the citizens of Europe regard themselves as members of a socially integrated European society, this volume sets out three conditions for successful European social integration: European citizens mutually respect each other as equals, accepting that all EU citizens should have equal economic, political and social rights. Those citizens objecting to the idea of European equality should not constitute a minority with potential for mobilisation that could impede the ongoing process of European social integration. Europeans act upon their equality beliefs in everyday practice - without differentiating between nationals and EU migrants. Based on a survey carried out in Germany, Spain, Poland and Turkey, the authors argue that the requirements for a socially integrated Europe are largely in place already. Their findings allow for optimism regarding the future of the EU, as the cultural foundations for a democratisation of Europe are laid. This volume develops a theoretical framework of a socially integrated European community, and will be useful for students and scholars of sociology, citizenship studies, social policy, political science and European studies.
Die Eurokrise ist eine der schwersten Krisen der EU seit ihrer Grundung. Bei ihrer Losung geht es nicht allein um den Erfolg von konkreten wirtschaftspolitischen Massnahmen, sondern um den Zusammenhalt zwischen den Burgern der verschiedenen Mitgliedslander. Jurgen Gerhards und Holger Lengfeld entwickeln ein Konzept einer sozial integrierten europaischen Gesellschaft, das auf der Annahme beruht, dass sich die EU-Burger unabhangig von ihrer jeweils konkreten nationalen Herkunft als Gleiche anerkennen. Anhand von Daten einer Umfrage aus vier Landern prufen sie, in welchem Masse die Europaer diese Idee einer europaisierten Chancengleichheit unterstutzen oder ob sie weiterhin einem nationalstaatlich geschlossenen Gleichheitskonzept anhangen. Die empirischen Befunde der Studie stimmen optimistisch: Die kulturellen Grundlagen fur ein sozial integriertes Europa scheinen gegeben zu sein, da sich die Burger der Europaischen Union in hohem Masse als Gleiche anerkennen, sich kaum gesellschaftliche Konfliktlinien um die Zubilligung gleicher Rechte fur Burger aus anderen EU-Landern zeigen und die Menschen sich auch in der Alltagspraxis weitgehend an diesen Werten orientieren.
Since 2008, the European Union has been affected by one of the most severe crises in the history of Europe. This book builds on the work of Jurgen Habermas to answer the key question: is Europe strong enough to overcome the recent crisis? Arguing that recovery can only take place if the citizens of Europe regard themselves as members of a socially integrated European society, this volume sets out three conditions for successful European social integration: European citizens mutually respect each other as equals, accepting that all EU citizens should have equal economic, political and social rights. Those citizens objecting to the idea of European equality should not constitute a minority with potential for mobilisation that could impede the ongoing process of European social integration. Europeans act upon their equality beliefs in everyday practice - without differentiating between nationals and EU migrants. Based on a survey carried out in Germany, Spain, Poland and Turkey, the authors argue that the requirements for a socially integrated Europe are largely in place already. Their findings allow for optimism regarding the future of the EU, as the cultural foundations for a democratisation of Europe are laid. This volume develops a theoretical framework of a socially integrated European community, and will be useful for students and scholars of sociology, citizenship studies, social policy, political science and European studies.
The euro crisis, several sovereign debt crises, the Great Recession, the refugee crisis, and Brexit have all challenged Europeans' willingness to show solidarity with other European citizens and member states of the European Union. European Solidarity in Times of Crisis provides a clear theoretical framework to understand European solidarity for the first time. It offers a systematic empirical approach to determine the strength and causes of European solidarity. The authors distinguish between four domains of solidarity and test a set of theoretically derived criteria with a unique dataset to investigate European solidarity. Based on a survey conducted in thirteen EU member states in 2016, the empirical analysis leads to some unanticipated results. Europeans display a notably higher degree of solidarity than many politicians and social scientists have presumed so far. This especially applies to the support of people in need (welfare solidarity) and the reduction of territorial disparities between rich and poor EU countries (territorial solidarity), but also to the domain of fiscal solidarity (financial support of indebted EU countries). This optimistic view is less true for the domain of refugee solidarity. While citizens of western and southern EU countries accept the accommodation of refugees and their allocation between European countries, the majority of people in eastern European countries do not share this point of view. The book will appeal to students and scholars in fields such as comparative sociology, political science, social policy and migration research, and European studies. It is also relevant to a non-academic audience interested in the development of the European project.
Dieses Buch handelt vom Einfluss der Organisationsstruktur von Unternehmen und Verwaltungen auf soziale Ungleichheit. Es thematisiert damit einen Geg- stand, der in die Zustandigkeit der Sozialstrukturanalyse fallt, der aber auch eine grosse Schnittmenge mit der Organisationssoziologie aufweist. Bis in die 1990er Jahre hinein wurden auf diesem Forschungsfeld umfangreiche Studien durch- fuhrt. Seither geht es dort deutlich ruhiger zu; offenbar scheinen die meisten Probleme geloest worden zu sein. Dennoch habe ich mich, gegen den Trend, dem Gegenstand erneut zugewandt. Dabei habe ich mich zu Beginn meiner Rech- chen daruber gewundert, dass wir zwar umfangreiches Detailwissen uber den Einfluss von vielfaltigen Organisationsstrukturen auf ungleiche Guterverteil- gen angehauft haben, dass von diesem Wissen in der Breite des Fachs Sozi- strukturanalyse aber kaum Kenntnis genommen wurde. Dies gilt, so meine ich, insbesondere fur solche Makrotheorien, die mit dem Klassen- oder Schichtun- konzept operieren. Meine Hoffnung ist, mit dieser Studie auch eine Brucke zu schlagen zwischen der organisationsbezogenen Ungleichheitsforschung auf der einen Seite und der makrosoziologischen Sozialstrukturanalyse auf der anderen. Die vorliegende Studie wurde im Jahr 2008 als Habilitationsschrift am Fachbereich Politik- und Sozialwissenschaften der Freien Universitat Berlin angenommen. Fur den Druck wurde sie etwas gekurzt und um ein neues Kapitel erganzt. Bei ihrer Abfassung habe ich von der Unterstutzung durch eine Reihe von Menschen profitiert. Jurgen Gerhards (FU Berlin) hat den Fortgang der Arbeit ideenreich kommentiert; Jurgen Schupp (DIW Berlin) hat konstruktive Hinweise vor allem zur Empirie gegeben; Arne Kalleberg (Univ.
Kaum eine andere Frage steht im Mittelpunkt des soziologischen
Denkens wie die nach den Grunden von sozialer Ungleichheit. Eine
ihrer Ursachen ist in formalen Organisationen zu finden: In
modernen Gesellschaften existiert eine Vielzahl von Organisationen,
die knappe, begehrte Guter in ungleicher Weise an die
Gesellschaftsmitglieder verteilen. Dieses Lehrbuch zeigt, warum
Organisationen Lebenschancen beeinflussen, wie sie dies tun und
welche Guter dabei ungleich verteilt werden.
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