The claims of the developing countries for more equal participation in existing international economic arrangements have been eclipsed temporarily by global economic recession and the pressures on developing countries to adjust their economies to radically changed circumstances. But negotiations between the industrial countries of the North and the developing countries of the South will remain an important feature of international politics in the years ahead. Careful analysis of the negotiating experience of the 1970s--when the pressures of the South for reform of the international economic system reached their peak in a wide variety of international forums--can help improve the negotiating process itself as well as policy formulation.

Positive Sum focuses on the relationship of the process of the negotiations of the recent past to their final outcomes. This emphasis differentiates it from the many works on North-South relations that assess results only.

The volume presents eight case studies of specific North-South negotiations, prepared as part of a project of the Overseas Development Council in Washington, D.C. The book's emphasis is on pragmatic paths-conflict management, conciliation, cooperation--to mutually satisfactory solutions in asymmetrical situations. In its policy recommendations, the study seeks to move the parties away from sharp divisions between the rich and strong on one side and the poor and relatively weak on the other. Its objective is to identify tactics and procedures that are more likely to deliver "positive sum" (mutually beneficial) rather than "zero-sum" (winner takes all) results. The book offers useful guidelines for negotiators and analysts of future multilateral negotiations.

This edited volume addresses the important issue of negotiating with terrorists, and offers recommendations for best practice and processes. Hostage negotiation is the process of trying to align two often completely polarised parties. Authorities view hostage taking as unacceptable demands made by unacceptable means. However terrorists view their actions as completely justified, even on moral and religious grounds. If they are to try and reconcile these two sides, it is essential for hostage negotiators to understand terrorist culture, the hostage takers' profiles, their personality, their view of the world and also the authorities, their values and their framing of the problem raised by the taking of hostages. Although not advocating negotiating with terrorists, the volume seeks to analyse when, why, and how it is done. Part I deals with the theory and quantifiable data produced from analysis of hostage situations, while Part II explores several high profile case studies and the lessons that can be learnt from them. This volume will be of great interest to students of terrorism studies, conflict management, negotiation, security studies and IR in general. I William Zartman is the Jacob Blaustein Distinguished Professor Emeritus of International Organization and Conflict Resolution and former Director of the Conflict Management and African Studies Programs, at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University, Washington, DC. He is a member of the Steering Committee of the Processes of International Negotiation (PIN) Program at the International Institute of Applied Systems Analysis (IIASA) in Laxenburg, Austria. He is author/editor of over 20 books on negotiation, conflict and mediation. Guy Olivier Faure is Professor of Sociology at the Sorbonne University, Paris I, and a member of the Steering Committee of the Processes of International Negotiation (PIN) Program at the International Institute of Applied Systems Analysis (IIASA) in Laxenburg, Austria. He has served as an advisor to French government on hostage negotiations.

In the twenty-five years since the last comprehensive book on state and society in North Africa was published, the nations of the Maghrib have undergone profound social, political, and economic changes. The region has, for example, experienced one of the highest population growth rates in the world, accompanied by a dramatic increase in migration t

This volume, first published in 1988, analyses the process of stabilisation amongst the Arab states, a process that has contradicted all predictions of impending disintegration and impending collapse. Although there were some cases of disintegration, there are evidently mechanisms at work that helped consolidate the majority of Arab states and the Arab state system. Revolutions, as in Iran or the Sudan, or political collapse and disintegration, as in Lebanon, have been highly visible but nevertheless exceptions. This collection, Volume Three in the Nation, State and Integration in the Arab World research project carried out by the Istituto Affari Internazionali, focuses on the problem of explaining the stability and persistence of the state in the Arab world.

This edited volume addresses the important issue of negotiating with terrorists, and offers recommendations for best practice and processes.

Hostage negotiation is the process of trying to align two often completely polarised parties. Authorities view hostage taking as unacceptable demands made by unacceptable means. However terrorists view their actions as completely justified, even on moral and religious grounds. If they are to try and reconcile these two sides, it is essential for hostage negotiators to understand terrorist culture, the hostage takers' profiles, their personality, their view of the world and also the authorities, their values and their framing of the problem raised by the taking of hostages.

Although not advocating negotiating with terrorists, the volume seeks to analyse when, why, and how it is done. Part I deals with the theory and quantifiable data produced from analysis of hostage situations, while Part II explores several high profile case studies and the lessons that can be learnt from them.

This volume will be of great interest to students of terrorism studies, conflict management, negotiation, security studies and IR in general.

I William Zartman is the Jacob Blaustein Distinguished Professor Emeritus of International Organization and Conflict Resolution and former Director of the Conflict Management and African Studies Programs, at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University, Washington, DC. He is a member of the Steering Committee of the Processes of International Negotiation (PIN) Program at the International Institute of Applied Systems Analysis (IIASA) in Laxenburg, Austria. He is author/editor of over 20 books on negotiation, conflict and mediation.

Guy Olivier Faure is Professor of Sociology at the Sorbonne University, Paris I, and a member of the Steering Committee of the Processes of International Negotiation (PIN) Program at the International Institute of Applied Systems Analysis (IIASA) in Laxenburg, Austria. He has served as an advisor to French government on hostage negotiations.

This book presents a series of essays by I. William Zartman outlining the evolution of the key concepts required for the study of negotiation and conflict management, such as formula, ripeness, pre-negotiation, mediation, power, process, intractability, escalation, and order.

Responding to a lack of useful conceptualization for the analysis of international negotiation, Zartman has developed an analytical framework and specific concepts that can serve as a basis for both study and practice. Negotiation is analyzed as a process, and is linked to other major themes in political science such as decision, structure, justice and order. This analysis is then applied to negotiations to manage particular types of conflicts and cooperation, including ethnic conflicts, civil wars and regime-building. It also develops typologies and strategies of mediation, dealing with such aspects as leverage, bias, interest, and roles.

Written by the leading exponent of negotiation and mediation, Negotiation and Conflict Management will be of great interest to all students of negotiation, mediation and conflict studies in general.

In the twenty-five years since the last comprehensive book on state and society in North Africa was published, the nations of the Maghrib have undergone profound social, political, and economic changes. In this book, the foremost U.S. specialists on the region and a number of prominent Maghribi scholars analyze the transformations in North Africa since independence and examine current trends that will shape the region in the future.

This book explores the origins, foundations, impact and stability of Arab states. It analyses the process of stabilisation amongst the Arab states, a process that has contradicted all predictions of impending disintegration and political collapse.

This book explores the uses and limits of the power of negotiation and diplomacy in U.S. foreign policy at a critical juncture in U.S. history. Beginning with the failure of U.S. diplomacy to nip Saddam Hussein s ambitions in the bud prior to the first Gulf War, it argues that a series of diplomatic blunders laid the foundations for the uninhibited use of gun power over talk power for the next two decades. It critically examines missed opportunities in America s handling of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in both the Clinton and George W. Bush administrations. Looking ahead, it shows how the United States should negotiate with unengageables like Iran, North Korea, and terrorists wherever they occur. "Offer s] a new perspective on diplomatic relations and an optimistic eye toward the future." --Publishers Weekly..".a powerful book on a critical subject."--Harold H. Saunders, President Jimmy Carter's assistant secretary of state at Camp David, now President of the International Institute for Sustained Dialogue"Timely and thought-provoking..."--Terje R&#248D-Larsen "

This book explores the uses and limits of the power of negotiation and diplomacy in U.S. foreign policy at a critical juncture in U.S. history. Beginning with the failure of U.S. diplomacy to nip Saddam Hussein s ambitions in the bud prior to the first Gulf War, it argues that a series of diplomatic blunders laid the foundations for the uninhibited use of gun power over talk power for the next two decades. It critically examines missed opportunities in America s handling of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in both the Clinton and George W. Bush administrations. Looking ahead, it shows how the United States should negotiate with unengageables like Iran, North Korea, and terrorists wherever they occur. "Offer s] a new perspective on diplomatic relations and an optimistic eye toward the future." --Publishers Weekly..".a powerful book on a critical subject."--Harold H. Saunders, President Jimmy Carter's assistant secretary of state at Camp David, now President of the International Institute for Sustained Dialogue"Timely and thought-provoking..."--Terje R&#248D-Larsen "

In this book, leading experts in international negotiations present formal models of conflict resolution and international negotiations. It examines how the abstract concept of formal models can be made more understandable to those not trained to work with them, what can be done to encourage the use of formal methods in the real world, and ways in which politicians and diplomats can apply formal methods to the problems they are currently facing.

In this book, leading experts in international negotiations present formal models of conflict resolution and international negotiations. It examines how the abstract concept of formal models can be made more understandable to those not trained to work with them, what can be done to encourage the use of formal methods in the real world, and ways in which politicians and diplomats can apply formal methods to the problems they are currently facing.

Like any other social activity, negotiation exhibits both universal patterns determined by the finite possibilities of its nature and local variations determined by cultural practices. Universalities predominate if one digs deep enough, and peculiarities abound in surface manifestations. This book investigates how deep is deep enough, and how shallow the surface, and attempts to find the meeting line. As more and more individuals meet around the negotiation table, providing conditions for cultural encounters and clashes, this volume examines the actors involved, the role culture plays, and the role of organizations.

The Middle East and North Africa region has been plagued with civil wars, international interventions, and increasing militarization, making it one of the most war-affected areas in the world today. Despite numerous mediation processes and initiatives for conflict resolution, most have failed to transform conflicts from war to peace. Seeking to learn from these past efforts and apply new research, Fraihat and Svensson present the first comprehensive approach to mediation in the Arab world, taking on cases from Yemen to Sudan, from Qatar to Palestine, Syria, and beyond. Conflict Mediation in the Arab World focuses on mediation at three different levels of analysis: between countries, between governments and armed actors inside single countries, and between different communities. In applying this holistic method, the editors identify similarities and differences in the conditions for conflict resolution and management. Drawing upon the work of experts in the field with a deep understanding of the increasing complexities and changing dynamics of the region, this volume offers a valuable resource for academics, policy makers, and practitioners interested in conflict resolution and management in the Middle East and North Africa.

This book presents a series of essays by I. William Zartman outlining the evolution of the key concepts required for the study of negotiation and conflict management, such as formula, ripeness, pre-negotiation, mediation, power, process, intractability, escalation, and order.

Responding to a lack of useful conceptualization for the analysis of international negotiation, Zartman has developed an analytical framework and specific concepts that can serve as a basis for both study and practice. Negotiation is analyzed as a process, and is linked to other major themes in political science such as decision, structure, justice and order. This analysis is then applied to negotiations to manage particular types of conflicts and cooperation, including ethnic conflicts, civil wars and regime-building. It also develops typologies and strategies of mediation, dealing with such aspects as leverage, bias, interest, and roles.

Written by the leading exponent of negotiation and mediation, Negotiation and Conflict Management will be of great interest to all students of negotiation, mediation and conflict studies in general.

Beginning in January 2011, the Arab world exploded in a vibrant demand for dignity, liberty, and achievable purpose in life, rising up against an image and tradition of arrogant, corrupt, unresponsive authoritarian rule. These previously unpublished, country specific case studies of the uprisings and their still unfolding political aftermaths identify patterns and courses of negotiation and explain why and how they occur. The contributors argue that in uprisings like the Arab Spring negotiation is "not just a 'nice' practice or a diplomatic exercise." Rather, it is a "dynamically multilevel" process involving individuals, groups, and states with continually shifting priorities-and with the prospect of violence always near. From that perspective, the essay sits analyze a range of issues and events-including civil disobedience and strikes, mass demonstrations and nonviolent protest, and peaceful negotiation and armed rebellion-and contextualize their findings within previous struggles, both within and outside the Middle East. The Arab countries discussed include Algeria, Bahrain, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, Syria, Tunisia, and Yemen. The Arab Spring uprisings are discussed in the context of rebellions in countries like South Africa and Serbia, while the Libyan uprising is also viewed in terms of the negotiations it provoked within NATO. Collectively, the essays analyze the challenges of up risers and emerging governments in building a new state on the ruins of a liberated state; the negotiations that lead either to sustainable democracy or sectarian violence; and coalition building between former political and military adversaries.

Since the 1990s, the international security environment has shifted radically. Leading states no longer play as great a role in regional conflicts, and thus a new opportunity for regional conflict management has opened. This collection of original essays is one of the first to examine the implications and efficacy of regional conflict management in the new world order. The editors' general overview provides a framework for analyzing regional conflict management efforts and the kinds of threats faced by actors in different regions of the world. Case studies from every major world region then place these factors into specific regional contexts and address a variety of challenges. Drawing together a diverse group of scholars from around the world, Regional Conflict Management provides key lessons for understanding conflict management over the globe.

This penetrating study of successful mediation in a half-dozen violent conflicts across the African continent focuses on a hitherto neglected dimension of mediation and the motivations of the parties in conflict and of the mediators themselves in initiating the mediation option. The "problem" of many journalistic accounts and scholarly analyses of conflict mediation is that they detail the mediation process in full swing but have largely neglected the crucial phase of mediators' entry into the destructive and disturbing mass violence in Burundi, Rwanda, the Congo, Sudan, and West Africa and the border conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea. This collaboration of renowned scholars and a practitioner in conflict management and African politics seeks to draw wide-ranging and timely conclusions on the early stages of mediation from six case studies."

From NAFTA to NATO, from the WTO to the WHO, a vast array of international regimes manages an astounding number of regional and global problems. Yet the dynamics of these enormously influential bodies are barely understood. Scholars have scrutinized international regimes, but that scrutiny has been narrowly focused on questions of regime formation and regime compliance. Remarkably little attention has been paid to the crucial question of how regimes sustain themselves and evolve. This work sets about correcting that neglect. As its title suggests, "Getting It Done" explores how international regimes accomplish their goals - goals that constantly shift as problems change and the power of member-states shifts. In a series of conceptually bold opening chapters, the volume editors emphasize that successful evolution depends above all on a process of continuous negotiation - domestic as well as international - in which norms, principles and rules are modified as circumstances and interests change. The second part of the volume takes this framework and applies it to four case studies, two regional, two global. Each case study presents the aims, achievements and structure of a regime and demonstrates how it adjusts its course through negotiation. A final chapter draws both theoretical and practical lessons for the future.

How do the weak negotiate with the strong and win some benefits in spite of their lack of power? This book covers all the complex trade negotiations conducted in the 1960's between the African states and the EEC. Originally published in 1971. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

For many, negotiating with terrorists amounts to capitulation that only encourages more terrorism. The editors of this book, by contrast, argue that engaging extremists is an indispensable part of a broad policy that is complex in its tactics and deliberate in its balance. While recognizing that engagement carries many risks, they contend that it is not the act of negotiation that encourages or discourages terrorism; it is the terms of the negotiated agreement. The point is not whether to negotiate but how to negotiate creatively to moderate terrorist means. Engaging Extremists concerns negotiation with political terrorist organizations, separating terrorist groups that can be engaged from those that, for the moment, cannot. Dealing with terrorism includes keeping violent means in check, transforming its ends from destruction to participation, and undercutting the grievances on which it is based. The essays in this volume tackle the questions of whenA" and howA" with a mixture of conceptual discussions illustrated by case analyses. By approaching terrorism as a phase in conflict by ethnic, religious, ideological, and other groups, the first half of this volume identifies appropriate times and tactics for taking advantage of the terrorist organization's life cycle from when it begins, matures, and declines. The latter half focuses more specifically on the howA" by studying successful experiments in engaging future and past terrorists, the role of third-party mediators, and two case studies of failed negotiations with terrorists. In the face of terrorism and militant extremism, states must strike a delicate balance between isolation and engagement. Engaging Extremists provides valuable insight into when and how such engagement might be pursued.

How do the weak negotiate with the strong and win some benefits in spite of their lack of power? This book covers all the complex trade negotiations conducted in the 1960's between the African states and the EEC. Originally published in 1971. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

"Rethinking the Economics of War: The Intersection of Need, Creed, and Greed" questions the adequacy of explaining today's internal armed conflicts purely in terms of economic factors and reestablishes the importance of identity and grievances in creating and sustaining such wars. This collection of essays responds to current works asserting that the income from natural resources is the end and not just a means for warring rebel groups. The study puts greed in its place and restores the importance of deprivation and discrimination as the primary causes of armed conflict within states. Countries studied include Lebanon, Sierra Leone, Angola, the Republic of the Congo, Colombia, and Afghanistan.

Beginning in January 2011, the Arab world exploded in a vibrant demand for dignity, liberty, and achievable purpose in life, rising up against an image and tradition of arrogant, corrupt, unresponsive authoritarian rule. These previously unpublished, country specific case studies of the uprisings and their still unfolding political aftermaths identify patterns and courses of negotiation and explain why and how they occur. The contributors argue that in uprisings like the Arab Spring negotiation is "not just a 'nice' practice or a diplomatic exercise." Rather, it is a "dynamically multilevel" process involving individuals, groups, and states with continually shifting priorities-and with the prospect of violence always near. From that perspective, the essay sits analyze a range of issues and events-including civil disobedience and strikes, mass demonstrations and nonviolent protest, and peaceful negotiation and armed rebellion-and contextualize their findings within previous struggles, both within and outside the Middle East. The Arab countries discussed include Algeria, Bahrain, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, Syria, Tunisia, and Yemen. The Arab Spring uprisings are discussed in the context of rebellions in countries like South Africa and Serbia, while the Libyan uprising is also viewed in terms of the negotiations it provoked within NATO. Collectively, the essays analyze the challenges of up risers and emerging governments in building a new state on the ruins of a liberated state; the negotiations that lead either to sustainable democracy or sectarian violence; and coalition building between former political and military adversaries.