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Although present-day Ukraine has only been in existence for
something over two decades, its recorded history reaches much
further back for more than a thousand years to Kyivan Rus'. Over
that time, it has usually been under control of invaders like the
Turks and Tatars, or neighbors like Russia and Poland, and indeed
it was part of the Soviet Union until it gained its independence in
1991. Today it is drawn between its huge neighbor to the east and
the European Union, and is still struggling to choose its own
path... although it remains uncertain of which way to turn.
Nonetheless, as one of the largest European states, with
considerable economic potential, it is not a place that can be
readily overlooked. The problem is, or at least was, where to find
information on this huge modern Ukraine, and since 2005 the answer
has been the Historical Dictionary of Ukraine in its first edition,
and now even more so with this second edition. It now boasts a
dictionary section of about 725 entries, these covering the
thousand years of history but particularly the recent past, and
focusing on significant persons, places and events, political
parties and institutions as well as more broadly international
relations, the economy, society and culture. The chronology permits
readers to follow this history and the introduction is there to
make sense of it. It also features the most extensive and
up-to-date bibliography of English-language writing on Ukraine.
During the "Orange Revolution" in Ukraine, the second largest
country in Europe came close to a violent break-up similar to that
in neighboring Moldova, which witnessed a violent secession of the
Transdniestria region. Numerous elections, including the hotly
contested 2004 presidential elections in Ukraine, and surveys of
public opinion showed significant regional divisions in these
post-Soviet countries. Western parts of Ukraine and Moldova, as
well as the Muslim Crimean Tatars, were vocal supporters of
independence, nationalist, and pro-Western parties and politicians.
In contrast, Eastern regions, as well as the Orthodox
Turkic-speaking Gagauz, consistently expressed pro-Russian and
pro-Communist political orientations. Which factors -- historical
legacies, religion, economy, ethnicity, or political leadership --
could explain these divisions? Why was Ukraine able to avoid a
violent break-up, in contrast to Moldova? This is the first book to
offer a systematic and comparative analysis of the regional
political divisions in post-Soviet Ukraine and Moldova. The study
examines voting behavior and political attitudes in two groups of
regions: those which were under Russian, Ottoman, and Soviet rule;
and those which were under Austro-Hungarian, Polish, Romanian, and
Czechoslovak rule until World War I or World War II. This book
attributes the regional political divisions to the differences in
historical experience. This study helps us to better understand
regional cleavages and conflicts, not only in Ukraine and Moldova,
but also in other cleft countries.
Why have Americans, who by a clear majority approve of unions, been
joining them in smaller numbers than ever before? This book answers
that question by comparing the American experience with that of
Canada, where approval for unions is significantly lower than in
the United States, but where since the mid-1960s workers have
joined organized labor to a much greater extent. Given that the two
countries are outwardly so similar, what explains this paradox?
This book provides a detailed comparative analysis of both
countries using, among other things, a detailed survey conducted in
the United States and Canada by the Ipsos-Reid polling group.The
authors explain that the relative reluctance of employees in the
United States to join unions, compared with those in Canada, is
rooted less in their attitudes toward unions than in the former
country's deep-seated tradition of individualism and laissez-faire
economic values. Canada has a more statist, social democratic
tradition, which is in turn attributable to its Tory and European
conservative lineage. Canadian values are therefore more supportive
of unionism, making unions more powerful and thus, paradoxically,
lowering public approval of unions. Public approval is higher in
the United States, where unions exert less of an influence over
politics and the economy.
Why have Americans, who by a clear majority approve of unions, been
joining them in smaller numbers than ever before? This book answers
that question by comparing the American experience with that of
Canada, where approval for unions is significantly lower than in
the United States, but where since the mid-1960s workers have
joined organized labor to a much greater extent. Given that the two
countries are outwardly so similar, what explains this paradox?
This book provides a detailed comparative analysis of both
countries using, among other things, a detailed survey conducted in
the United States and Canada by the Ipsos-Reid polling group.The
authors explain that the relative reluctance of employees in the
United States to join unions, compared with those in Canada, is
rooted less in their attitudes toward unions than in the former
country's deep-seated tradition of individualism and laissez-faire
economic values. Canada has a more statist, social democratic
tradition, which is in turn attributable to its Tory and European
conservative lineage. Canadian values are therefore more supportive
of unionism, making unions more powerful and thus, paradoxically,
lowering public approval of unions. Public approval is higher in
the United States, where unions exert less of an influence over
politics and the economy.
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