Examining how the White House works-or doesn't-before and after Trump Donald Trump has reinvented the presidency, transforming it from a well-oiled if sometimes cumbersome institution into what has often seemed to be a one-man show. But even Trump's unorthodox presidency requires institutional support, from a constantly rotating White House staff and cabinet who have sought to carry out-and sometimes resist-the president's direct orders and comply with his many tweets. Nonetheless, the Trump White House still exhibits many features of its predecessors over the past eight decades. When Franklin D. Roosevelt was inaugurated, the White House staff numbered fewer than fifty people, and most federal department were lightly staffed as well. As the United States became a world power, the staff of the Executive Office increased twentyfold, and the staffing of federal agencies blossomed comparably. In the fourth edition of Organizing the Presidency, a landmark volume examining the presidency as an institution, Stephen Hess and James P. Pfiffner argue that the successes and failures of presidents from Roosevelt through Trump have resulted in large part from how the president deployed and used White House staffers and other top officials responsible for carrying out Oval Office policy. Drawing on a wealth of analysis and insight, Organizing the Presidency addresses best practices for managing a presidency that is itself a bureaucracy.

When Franklin D. Roosevelt was inaugurated in March 1933, the White House staff numbered fewer than fifty people. In the ensuing years, as the United States became a world power and both the foreign and domestic duties of the president grew more complex, the White House staff has increased twentyfold. This books asks how best to manage a presidency that itself has become a bureaucracy. In the third edition of Organizing the Presidency, Stephen Hess, with the assistance of James P. Pfiffner, surveys presidential organizations from Roosevelts to George W. Bushs, examining the changing responsibilities of the executive branch jobs and their relationships with one another, Capitol Hill, and the permanent government. He also describes the kinds of people who have filled these positions and the intentions of the presidents who appointed them.

With rare exceptions, few large institutions change bosses every two or three years. Yet the U.S. Government has temps on top. Thousands of political appointees come in to run an agency or department and depart soon after, at the whims of the electorate, due to inside-the-Beltway bureaucratic politics, or because of their own ambitions. Many career bureaucrats view their temporary political bosses as "ins and outers," "birds of passage," or, more derisively, "Christmas help." Yet for better or worse, the number of Santa's helpers has doubled since 1960 even as the length of their stay in government has declined. Numerous scholars advocate reform of the political appointment process, and many primers have appeared to help the appointees adjust to life inside the Beltway. Beyond a Government of Strangers is the first book to focus on the men and women who stick around, on the career executives and their own roles in the executive branch. Robert Maranto provides pithy and sage advice on how career leaders can improve tenuous relationships and overcome conflicts with political appointees, especially during presidential transitions. He offers a rare insider's perspective, with the first-person account of former Deputy Counsel of the Navy Harvey Wilcox and quotations taken from interviews with scores of career executives. Included in the book are helpful strategies such as "Ten Tips on Managing Your Political Boss" and invaluable details such as how careerists at different Federal agencies handle the orientation of new appointees. The wisdom collected here will ensure more effective relationships in our government as well as more astute scholars of public administration. No one working inside the Beltway can afford to miss this book.

After September 11, 2001 the Bush Administration decided that the most important intelligence about terrorism would come from the interrogation of captives suspected of terrorism. As a result, many detainees were subject to harsh interrogation techniques that at times amounted to torture. Here, James P. Pfiffner authoritatively examines the policy directives, operational decisions, and leadership actions of the Bush Administration that reversed centuries of U.S. policy on the treatment of enemy prisoners. He shows how the serious reservations of career military lawyers about these policies were overcome by the political appointees of the Bush Administration. Pfiffner then analyzes the philosophical and legal underpinnings of the policies and practices that have led to the denunciation of the United States policies by its allies and adversaries throughout the world. Looking ahead, Pfiffner anticipates Obama administration policy changes to restore U.S. credibility and accountability. In all, "Torture as Public Policy" is a model of detailed policy analysis that demonstrates how greatly public policy matters beyond the back corridors of bureaucracy."Torture as Public Policy" is a model of detailed policy analysis that demonstrates how greatly public policy matters beyond the back corridors of bureaucracy. This book: "

After September 11, 2001 the Bush Administration decided that the most important intelligence about terrorism would come from the interrogation of captives suspected of terrorism. As a result, many detainees were subject to harsh interrogation techniques that at times amounted to torture. Here, James P. Pfiffner authoritatively examines the policy directives, operational decisions, and leadership actions of the Bush Administration that reversed centuries of U.S. policy on the treatment of enemy prisoners. He shows how the serious reservations of career military lawyers about these policies were overcome by the political appointees of the Bush Administration. Pfiffner then analyzes the philosophical and legal underpinnings of the policies and practices that have led to the denunciation of the United States policies by its allies and adversaries throughout the world. Looking ahead, Pfiffner anticipates Obama administration policy changes to restore U.S. credibility and accountability. In all, "Torture as Public Policy" is a model of detailed policy analysis that demonstrates how greatly public policy matters beyond the back corridors of bureaucracy."Torture as Public Policy" is a model of detailed policy analysis that demonstrates how greatly public policy matters beyond the back corridors of bureaucracy. This book: "

Perfectly timed to anticipate the possible election of a new president in 1996, the second edition of James Pfiffner's "The Strategic Presidency" provides the most complete and authoritative volume on presidential transitions from JFK to Bill Clinton. First published in 1988, it is now more valuable than ever with the addition of new chapters on the Bush and Clinton transitions and numerous other revisions that greatly update the volume.

When the book first appeared eight years ago, it was hailed by the "American Political Science Review" as an important new work following in "the path that Richard Neustadt long ago blazed in his classic book, Presidential Power." Immediately recognized for its contributions to scholarship, it also popularized a new phrase, "the strategic presidency," which has since become an essential part of the lexicon in presidential studies.

As this book makes clear, to accomplish his policy objectives, a new president must always first get control of the government. Thus the White House must organize itself; establish a cabinet; recruit presidential appointees; confront the entrenched career bureaucracy; and formulate a legislative agenda. The supreme challenge of this transitional period, Pfiffner argues, is that all of this must be done in a very compressed time frame and under the extreme pressure of press scrutiny and unrealistically high public expectations.

Even so, he also shows that systematic preparation during this period can maximize a president's opportunity at the beginning of a term. Contrary to much conventional advice, Pfiffner contends that a newly elected president's best opportunity for achieving policy goals is at the beginning of the term. Even if a "honeymoon" atmosphere does not prevail, Congress is likely to be more receptive to presidential initiatives in the early months of a term, and public opinion is likely to decline after several months in office. That's why it's so important for presidents to "hit the ground running."

Like the first edition, the new one provides a concise guide for scholars and presidential aides and will be widely adopted for courses on the modern presidency. With its fine blend of insider perspective, illuminating anecdotes, and user-friendly political analysis, it will also appeal to general readers.

This comprehensive reader for the American government course provides articles and commentary from a broad array of political commentators and practitioners. Readings are arranged topically to match the typical organization of the American government course, but a cross-referenced table of contents allows instructors and students to find resources and make connections across the chapters. Features: * Unifying theme of governance emphasizes the interaction between governmental institutions and non-governemental aspects of U.S. policy, such as political parties, the media, the economy, and state and local governemtns. * Both conservative and liberal positions are well represented throughout by a broad selection of both classic readings and lively journalistic selections. * Coverage of corruption and abuse of power, as well as coverage of alternative futures provides perspectives often missing in political readers. * Introductory essays for each of 16 sections provide a broad context and background for reading. * Key concepts offer easy review of important terms used in each selection. * Chapter Headnotes provide a one or two paragraph introduction to each selection. * Points to Ponder follow each selection and give students directions for further thought.