With the nation reeling from the cultural and political upheavals of the 1960s era, imaginings of the white South as a place of stability represented a bulwark against unsettling changes, from suburban blandness and empty consumerism to race riots and governmental deceit. A variety of individuals during and after the civil rights era, including writers, journalists, filmmakers, musicians, and politicians, imagined white southernness as a tradition-loving, communal, authentic--and often, but not always, rural or small-town-- abstraction that both represented a refuge from modern ills and contained the tools for combating them. The South of the Mind tells this story of how many Americans looked to the nation's most maligned region to save them during the 1960s and 1970s. This interdisciplinary work uses imaginings of the South to illuminate the recent American past. In it, Zachary J. Lechner bridges the fields of southern studies, southern history, and post- World War II American cultural and popular culture history in an effort to discern how conceptions of a tradition-bound, ""timeless"" South shaped Americans' views of themselves and their society and served as a fantasied refuge from the era's political and cultural fragmentations, namely, the perceived problems associated with ""rootlessness."" In its exploration of the source of these tropes and their influence, The South of the Mind demonstrates that we cannot hope to understand recent U.S. history without exploring how people have conceived the South, as well as what those conceptualizations have omitted.

In "Alabama Getaway" Allen Tullos explores the recent history of one of the nation's most conservative states to reveal its political imaginary--the public shape of power, popular imagery, and individual opportunity.

From Alabama's largely ineffectual politicians to its miserly support of education, health care, cultural institutions, and social services, Tullos examines why the state appears to be stuck in repetitive loops of uneven development and debilitating habits of judgment. The state remains tied to fundamentalisms of religion, race, gender, winner-take-all economics, and militarism enforced by punitive and defensive responses to criticism. Tullos traces the spectral legacy of George Wallace, ponders the roots of anti-egalitarian political institutions and tax structures, and challenges Birmingham native Condoleezza Rice's use of the civil rights struggle to justify the war in Iraq. He also gives due coverage to the state's black citizens who with a minority of whites have sustained a movement for social justice and democratic inclusion. As Alabama competes for cultural tourism and global industries like auto manufacturing and biomedical research, "Alabama Getaway" asks if the coming years will see a transformation of the "Heart of Dixie."

In The Politics of White Rights, Joseph Bagley recounts the history of school desegregation litigation in Alabama, focusing on the malleability and durability of white resistance. He argues that the litigious battles of 1954-73 taught Alabama's segregationists how to fashion a more subtle defense of white privilege, placing them in the vanguard of a new conservatism oriented toward the Sunbelt, not the South. Scholars have recently begun uncovering the ways in which segregationists abandoned violent backlash and overt economic reprisal and learned how to rearticulate their resistance and blind others to their racial motivations. Bagley is most interested in a creedal commitment to maintaining "law and order," which lay at the heart of this transition. Before it was a buzz phrase meant to conjure up fears of urban black violence, "law and order" represented a politics that allowed self-styled white moderates to begrudgingly accept token desegregation and to begin to stake their own claims to constitutional rights without forcing them to repudiate segregation or white supremacy. Federal courts have, as recently as 2014, agreed that Alabama's property tax system is crippling black education. Bagley argues that this is because, in the late 1960s, the politics of law and order became a politics of white rights, which supported not only white flight to suburbs and private schools but also nominally color-blind changes in the state's tax code. These changes were designed to shield white money from the needs of increasingly black public education. Activists and courts have been powerless to do anything about them, because twenty years of desperate litigious combat finally taught Alabama lawmakers how to erect constitutional bulwarks that could withstand a legal assault.

These private writings by a prominent white southern lawyer offer insight into his state's embrace of massive white resistance following the 1954 "Brown v. Board of Education" ruling. David J. Mays of Richmond, Virginia, was a highly regarded attorney, a Pulitzer Prize-winning biographer, and a member of his city's political and social elite. He was also a diarist for most of his adult life. This volume comprises diary excerpts from the years 1954 to 1959. For much of this time Mays was counsel to the commission, chaired by state senator Garland Gray, that was charged with formulating Virginia's response to federal mandates concerning the integration of public schools. Later, Mays was involved in litigation triggered by that response.

Mays chronicled the state's bitter and divisive shift away from the Gray Commission's proposal that school integration questions be settled at the local level. Instead, Virginia's arch-segregationists, led by U.S. senator Harry F. Byrd, championed a monolithic defiance of integration at the highest state and federal levels. Many leading Virginians of the time appear in Mays's diary, along with details of their roles in the battle against desegregation as it was fought in the media, courts, polls, and government back rooms.

Mays's own racial attitudes were hardly progressive; yet his temperament and legal training put a relatively moderate public face on them. As James R. Sweeney notes, Mays's differences with extremists were about means more than ends--about "not the morality of Jim Crow but the best tactics for defending it."

Now more than ever, we need informed citizens who bring a thorough knowledge of America's history to community life and the political process. Understanding what built our republic allows us to better maintain its democracy. These books are here to help. Harry L. Watson and Jane Dailey have set out to bring a highly readable, comprehensive telling of American history to the widest audience possible. And to that end, it will be one of the first American history textbooks to be offered completely free in digital form.Building the Republic deftly combines centuries of perspectives and voices into a fluid narrative of the United States. Through crisp, incisive prose it takes readers through the full scope of American history, starting with the first inhabitants and carrying all the way to the 2016 election. Throughout, Watson and Dailey emphasize the struggle for justice and equality in a more perfect union, the challenge of racial and ethnic conflict, the evolution of law and legal norms, the enduring influence of religious diversity, and the distinctive history and influence of the South. They take care to integrate varied scholarly perspectives into their chapters and work to engage a diverse readership by addressing what we all share in common: membership in a democratic republic, with joint claims on its self-governing tradition. These two volumes will enable readers and students to gain a full understanding of America. They combine open-access text with rigorous academic standards and the backing of a major university press. By presenting a straightforward, absorbing history that's accessible to all readers, Watson and Dailey hope that more citizens will gain the knowledge they need to make the best possible choices for their country.

In The Politics of White Rights, Joseph Bagley recounts the history of school desegregation litigation in Alabama, focusing on the malleability and durability of white resistance. He argues that the litigious battles of 1954-73 taught Alabama's segregationists how to fashion a more subtle defense of white privilege, placing them in the vanguard of a new conservatism oriented toward the Sunbelt, not the South. Scholars have recently begun uncovering the ways in which segregationists abandoned violent backlash and overt economic reprisal and learned how to rearticulate their resistance and blind others to their racial motivations. Bagley is most interested in a creedal commitment to maintaining "law and order," which lay at the heart of this transition. Before it was a buzz phrase meant to conjure up fears of urban black violence, "law and order" represented a politics that allowed self-styled white moderates to begrudgingly accept token desegregation and to begin to stake their own claims to constitutional rights without forcing them to repudiate segregation or white supremacy. Federal courts have, as recently as 2014, agreed that Alabama's property tax system is crippling black education. Bagley argues that this is because, in the late 1960s, the politics of law and order became a politics of white rights, which supported not only white flight to suburbs and private schools but also nominally color-blind changes in the state's tax code. These changes were designed to shield white money from the needs of increasingly black public education. Activists and courts have been powerless to do anything about them, because twenty years of desperate litigious combat finally taught Alabama lawmakers how to erect constitutional bulwarks that could withstand a legal assault.

White supremacy shaped all aspects of post-Civil War southern life, yet its power was never complete or total. The form of segregation and subjection nicknamed Jim Crow constantly had to remake itself over time even as white southern politicians struggled to extend its grip. Here, some of the most innovative scholars of southern history question Jim Crow's sway, evolution, and methods over the course of a century. These essays bring to life the southern men and women--some heroic and decent, others mean and sinister, most a mixture of both--who supported and challenged Jim Crow, showing that white supremacy always had to prove its power.

Jim Crow was always in motion, always adjusting to meet resistance and defiance by both African Americans and whites. Sometimes white supremacists responded with increased ferocity, sometimes with more subtle political and legal ploys. "Jumpin' Jim Crow" presents a clear picture of this complex negotiation. For example, even as some black and white women launched the strongest attacks on the system, other white women nurtured myths glorifying white supremacy. Even as elite whites blamed racial violence on poor whites, they used Jim Crow to dominate poor whites as well as blacks. Most important, the book portrays change over time, suggesting that Strom Thurmond is not a simple reincarnation of Ben Tillman and that Rosa Parks was not the first black woman to say no to Jim Crow.

From a study of the segregation of household consumption to a fresh look at critical elections, from an examination of an unlikely antilynching campaign to an analysis of how miscegenation laws tried to sexualize black political power, these essays about specific southern times and places exemplify the latest trends in historical research. Its rich, accessible content makes "Jumpin' Jim Crow" an ideal undergraduate reader on American history, while its methodological innovations will be emulated by scholars of political history generally. In addition to the editors, the contributors are Edward L. Ayers, Elsa Barkley Brown, W. Fitzhugh Brundage, Laura F. Edwards, Kari Frederickson, David F. Godshalk, Grace Elizabeth Hale, Jacquelyn Dowd Hall, Stephen Kantrowitz, Nancy MacLean, Nell Irwin Painter, and Timothy B. Tyson.

Southern black resistance, social justice interracialism, and student activism.

This study details how the development and maturation of New Negro politics and thought were shaped not only by New York-based intellectuals and revolutionary transformations in Europe, but also by people, ideas, and organizations rooted in the South. Claudrena N. Harold probes into critical events and developments below the Mason-Dixon Line, sharpening our understanding of how many black activists-along with particular segments of the white American Left-arrived at their views on the politics of race, nationhood, and the capitalist political economy. Focusing on Garveyites, A. Philip Randolph's militant unionists, and black anti-imperialist protest groups, among others, Harold argues that the South was a largely overlooked ""incubator of black protest activity"" between World War I and the Great Depression. The activity she uncovers had implications beyond the region and adds complexity to a historical moment in which black southerners provided exciting organizational models of grassroots labor activism, assisted in the revitalization of black nationalist politics, engaged in robust intellectual arguments on the future of the South, and challenged the governance of historically black colleges. To uplift the race and by extension transform the world, New Negro southerners risked social isolation, ridicule, and even death. Their stories are reminders that black southerners played a crucial role not only in African Americans' revolutionary quest for political empowerment, ontological clarity, and existential freedom but also in the global struggle to bring forth a more just and democratic world free from racial subjugation, dehumanizing labor practices, and colonial oppression.

With the nation reeling from the cultural and political upheavals of the 1960s era, imaginings of the white South as a place of stability represented a bulwark against unsettling changes, from suburban blandness and empty consumerism to race riots and governmental deceit. A variety of individuals during and after the civil rights era, including writers, journalists, filmmakers, musicians, and politicians, imagined white southernness as a tradition-loving, communal, authentic--and often, but not always, rural or small-town-- abstraction that both represented a refuge from modern ills and contained the tools for combating them. The South of the Mind tells this story of how many Americans looked to the nation's most maligned region to save them during the 1960s and 1970s. This interdisciplinary work uses imaginings of the South to illuminate the recent American past. In it, Zachary J. Lechner bridges the fields of southern studies, southern history, and post- World War II American cultural and popular culture history in an effort to discern how conceptions of a tradition-bound, ""timeless"" South shaped Americans' views of themselves and their society and served as a fantasied refuge from the era's political and cultural fragmentations, namely, the perceived problems associated with ""rootlessness."" In its exploration of the source of these tropes and their influence, The South of the Mind demonstrates that we cannot hope to understand recent U.S. history without exploring how people have conceived the South, as well as what those conceptualizations have omitted.

In "Alabama Getaway" Allen Tullos explores the recent history of one of the nation's most conservative states to reveal its political imaginary--the public shape of power, popular imagery, and individual opportunity.

From Alabama's largely ineffectual politicians to its miserly support of education, health care, cultural institutions, and social services, Tullos examines why the state appears to be stuck in repetitive loops of uneven development and debilitating habits of judgment. The state remains tied to fundamentalisms of religion, race, gender, winner-take-all economics, and militarism enforced by punitive and defensive responses to criticism. Tullos traces the spectral legacy of George Wallace, ponders the roots of anti-egalitarian political institutions and tax structures, and challenges Birmingham native Condoleezza Rice's use of the civil rights struggle to justify the war in Iraq. He also gives due coverage to the state's black citizens who with a minority of whites have sustained a movement for social justice and democratic inclusion. As Alabama competes for cultural tourism and global industries like auto manufacturing and biomedical research, "Alabama Getaway" asks if the coming years will see a transformation of the "Heart of Dixie."

Now more than ever, we need informed citizens who bring a thorough knowledge of America's history to community life and the political process. Understanding what built our republic allows us to better maintain its democracy. These books are here to help. Harry L. Watson and Jane Dailey have set out to bring a highly readable, comprehensive telling of American history to the widest audience possible. And to that end, it will be one of the first American history textbooks to be offered completely free in digital form.Building the Republic deftly combines centuries of perspectives and voices into a fluid narrative of the United States. Through crisp, incisive prose it takes readers through the full scope of American history, starting with the first inhabitants and carrying all the way to the 2016 election. Throughout, Watson and Dailey emphasize the struggle for justice and equality in a more perfect union, the challenge of racial and ethnic conflict, the evolution of law and legal norms, the enduring influence of religious diversity, and the distinctive history and influence of the South. They take care to integrate varied scholarly perspectives into their chapters and work to engage a diverse readership by addressing what we all share in common: membership in a democratic republic, with joint claims on its self-governing tradition. These two volumes will enable readers and students to gain a full understanding of America. They combine open-access text with rigorous academic standards and the backing of a major university press. By presenting a straightforward, absorbing history that's accessible to all readers, Watson and Dailey hope that more citizens will gain the knowledge they need to make the best possible choices for their country.