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The popular grievances that have fuelled the Arab Spring since 2010
demonstrate that past development paradigms have failed to deliver
the inclusive and sustainable growth expected by Arab populations.
Countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region have
failed to develop a strong private sector that is linked with
global markets, survives without state assistance, and generates
productive employment for young people. One key symptom of this
failure is that, with the exception of the petroleum sector, MENA
remains the least trade-integrated region in the world. The
creation of the Deauville Partnership, launched by the Group of
Eight (G8) in Deauville, France, in May 2011, was thus strategic
and timely. At the request of the Deauville Partnership, From
Political to Economic Awakening in the Arab World provides an
analytical framework for increasing trade and foreign direct
investment (FDI) for The Arab Republic of Egypt, Jordan, Libya,
Morocco, and Tunisia (the 'Partnership Countries'). Increased trade
and FDI is a key means by which Partnership countries can achieve a
path of sustainable growth that reduces youth unemployment.
Moreover, trade and investment can also show short-term results.
The G8 countries, Turkey, the Gulf states, and other Deauville
Partners can help the new Arab democracies achieve their objectives
in two main ways: by effectively expanding market opportunities and
by supporting domestic regulatory reforms. To start implementing a
long-term vision of increased trade and investment integration,
based on an integrated economic space in the Mediterranean basin,
the Deauville Partnership could focus on these priority areas:
helping Partnership Countries adapt to a fast-changing trade, FDI,
and jobs landscape; improving market access opportunities and
market regulations; fostering competitiveness, diversification, and
employment; facilitating trade and mobilising trade finance and
diaspora resources; and promoting inclusiveness, equity, and
sustainability of the structural transformation brought about by
the process of integration. The success of the Arab political
awakening will greatly depend on the emergence of such an economic
awakening that can generate quality employment for the millions of
young Arab men and women who seek jobs and decent lives.
On September 15, 2008, Lehman Brothers, the fourth largest U.S.
investment bank filed for bankruptcy. Global credit markets
tightened. Spreads skyrocketed. International trade plummeted by
double digits. Banks were reportedly unable to meet the demand from
their customers to finance their international trade operations,
leaving a trade finance 'gap' estimated at around US$25 billion.
Governments and international institutions felt compelled to
intervene based on the information that some 80-90 percent of world
trade relies on some form of trade finance. As the recovery
unfolds, the time has come to provide policy makers and analysts
with a comprehensive assessment of the role of trade finance in the
2008-09 great trade collapse and the subsequent role of governments
and institutions to help restore trade finance markets. After
reviewing the underpinning of trade finance and interfirm trade
credit, 'Trade Finance during the Great Trade Collapse' aims to
answer the following questions: - Was the availability and cost of
trade finance a major constraint on trade during the 2008-09 global
economic crisis? - What are the underpinnings and limits of
national and international public interventions in support of trade
finance markets in times of crisis? - How effective were the public
and private sector mechanisms put in place during the crisis to
support trade and trade finance? - To what extent have the new
banking regulations under Basel II and Basel III exacerbated the
trade finance shortfall during the crisis and in the post-crisis
environment, respectively? 'Trade Finance during the Great Trade
Collapse' is the product of a fruitful collaboration during the
crisis among the World Bank Group, international financial
partners, private banks, and academia. 'Trade is the lifeblood of
the world economy, and the sharp collapse in trade volumes was one
of the most dramatic consequences of the global financial crisis.
It was the moment the financial crisis hit the real economy, and
when parts of the world far from the epicenter of financial
turbulence felt its full fury. This book is extremely timely and
full of critical insights into the role of trade finance and the
potential damaging impact from the unintended consequences of
regulatory changes.' --Peter Sands, CEO, Standard Chartered Bank
Economists have repeatedly warned against them, NGOs have fought
them, and some governments have begrudgingly (at least in
appearance) signed them. Yet, in the last twenty years the growth
in number of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) has been
unabated. Even more strikingly, their scope has broadened while
their number was increasing. Deep integration provisions in PTAs
have now become ubiquitous. Gaining market access or preserving
existing preferences has remained an important motivation for
acceding to PTAs. But with the liberalization of trade around the
world and the related diminishing size of preferential rents, the
growing success of PTAs cannot be only explained by traditional
market access motives (even factoring for the possible substitution
of tariff for other less transparent forms of protection).
Countries are looking beyond market access in PTAs. They are
interested in a host of objectives, including importing higher
policy standards, strengthening regional policy coordination,
locking-in domestic reforms, and even addressing foreign policy
issues. This handbook on PTA policies for development offers an
introduction into the world of modern preferential trade
agreements. It goes beyond the traditional paradigm of trade
creation versus trade diversion to address the economic and legal
aspects of the regulatory policies that are contained in today s
PTAs. The book maps the landscape of PTAs, summarizes the
theoretical arguments, political economy, and development
dimensions of PTAs, and presents the current practice in the main
policy areas typically covered in PTAs (from agriculture policy,
rules of origin, customs unions, trade remedies, product standards,
technical barriers, to behind the border issues related to
investment, trade facilitation, competition, government
procurement, intellectual property, labor rights, human rights,
environment, migration, and dispute resolution). These are also
usually the policies driven by powerful trading blocs as they
strive to influence the evolution of the global trading system."
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