Cuba has long been a social policy pioneer in Latin America. Since the 1959 revolution, its government has developed ambitious social policies to address health care, higher education, employment, the environment, and broad social inequalities, among other priorities. Cuban strategies emphasized universal rights and benefits, provided free of financial cost to users, and implemented under centralized and unitary policy design. Following the Soviet Union's collapse in 1991, funds for these policies came under strain, although systematic efforts have been made to sustain them. Poverty rates and inequality have risen. Access to higher education has become more difficult. Access to health care has become less reliable. Environmental policies are both more salient and more difficult to sustain. The government has resisted privatization policies, but has sought to decentralize the implementation of various policies, fostering non-state cooperatives as well. At the same time, many Latin American governments have experimented with new social policies that, in this century, reduced poverty rates significantly and in some countries somewhat reduced various inequalities. Still facing severe economic challenges, Cuba may look to learn from the policies of its Latin American neighbors, in some instances for the first time ever. This book analyzes these issues comparatively and in depth.

The contributors and editors purpose in this book is to sketch where and why the United States and Cuba differ; to identify the issues where differences are likely to endure because they stem from the central values and interests of such different political and economic regimes; and to point to those other issues where skillful diplomacy might fin

Cuba’s economy has grown hardly at all during Raúl Castro’s presidency (beginning in 2006), hit by the economic collapse of its Venezuelan partner and burdened by a legacy of decayed infrastructure, a bankrupt sugar industry, and stagnant agriculture. The Cuban Economy in ​a New Era diagnoses the ills that afflict Cuba’s economy and examines possible economic policy changes in seven areas: macroeconomic policy, central planning, small and medium private enterprises, nonagricultural cooperatives, financing options for the new private sector, state enterprise management, and relations with international financial institutions. Cuban economists have contributed these seven chapters, and the combined import is further considered in introductory and concluding chapters. The book is the culmination of over a decade of scholarly collaboration with Harvard scholars, anchored in a series of workshops held over several years in Cambridge, Massachusetts, and Havana.

The boundary between Cuba and the United States has become more and more porous, as have those with Latin America and the Caribbean. Never in the past half-century has Cuba's leadership or its social and political fabric been so exposed to the influence of the outside world. In this book, an all-star cast of experts critically address the recent past and present in U.S.-Cuban relations in their full complexity and subtlety to develop a perspective on the evolution of the conflict and an inventory of forms of cooperation. This much needed approach provides a way to answer the questions "what has been . . .?" and "what is . . .?" while also thinking seriously about "what if . . .?" To illustrate the most significant areas of U.S.-Cuban relations in the contemporary era, this newly updated edition of Debating U.S.-Cuban Relations adds six more themes to the study of this complex relation: political, security, economic, and cultural/academic issues; the triangular relations of the United States, Cuba, and Europe; and the politics of Cuban migration/emigration. Each topic is represented by perspectives from both Cuban and non-Cuban scholars, leading to a resource rich in insight and a model of transnational dialogue. The future course of U.S.-Cuban relations will likely be more complex than in the past, not only because of the matrix of factors involved but also because of the number of actors. Such a multiplicity of domestic, regional, and global factors is unique; it includes the rise to power of new administrations in both countries since 2008. Raul Castro became president of Cuba in February 2008 and Barack Obama was inaugurated president of the United States in January 2009. And it will feature the inauguration of a new president of the United States in January 2017 and a new president of Cuba, likely in February 2018.

The 2000 Mexican presidential race culminated in the election of opposition candidate Vicente Fox and the end of seven decades of one-party rule. This book, which traces changes in public opinion and voter preferences over the course of the race, represents the most comprehensive treatment of campaigning and voting behavior in an emerging democracy. It challenges the "modest effects" paradigm of national election campaigns that has dominated scholarly research in the field. Chapters cover authoritarian mobilization of voters, turnout patterns, electoral cleavages, party strategies, television news coverage, candidate debates, negative campaigning, strategic voting, issue-based voting, and the role of the 2000 election in Mexico's political transition. Theoretically-oriented introductory and concluding chapters situate Mexico's 2000 election in the larger context of Mexican politics and of cross-national research on campaigns. Collectively, these contributions provide crucial insights into Mexico's new politics, with important implications for elections in other countries.

Drawing on the research and experience of fifteen internationally recognized Latin America scholars, this insightful text presents an overview of inter-American relations during the first two decades of the twenty-first century. This unique collection identifies broad changes in the international system that have had significant effects in the Western Hemisphere, including issues of politics and economics, the securitization of U.S. foreign policy, balancing U.S. primacy, the wider impact of the world beyond the Americas, especially the rise of China, and the complexities of relationships between neighbors. The second edition of Contemporary U.S.-Latin American Relations focuses on U.S. neighbors near and far -Mexico, Cuba, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Peru, and Venezuela. Each chapter addresses a country's relations with the United States, and each considers themes that are unique to that country's bilateral relations as well as those themes that are more general to the relations of Latin America as a whole. The book also features new chapters on transnational criminal violence, the Latino diasporas in the United States, and U.S.-Latin American migration. This cohesive and accessible volume is required reading for Latin American politics students and scholars alike.

By sharing one of the longest land borders in the world, the United States and Mexico will always have a special relationship. In the early twenty-first century, they are as important to one another as ever before with a vital trade partnership and often-tense migration positions. The ideal introduction to U.S.-Mexican relations, this book moves from conflicts all through the nineteenth century up to contemporary democratic elections in Mexico.

Dominguez and Fernandez de Castro deftly trace the path of the relationship between these North American neighbors from bloody conflicts to (wary) partnership. By covering immigration, drug trafficking, NAFTA, democracy, environmental problems, and economic instability, the second edition of The United States and Mexico provides a thorough look back and an informed vision of the future. "

Co-published with the Weatherhead Center for International Affairs, this book offers a critical assessment of European Union developments since 1994. It combines the texts of the five Paul-Henri Spaak lectures given at Harvard University in the 1994-2000 period, and a cogent analysis of the successes and failures of the EU by Professor Andrew Moravcsik, entitled "Europe without Illusions." The European Union is the most successful voluntary international organization in world history. Europe without Illusions explores the paradox that the EU recently completed perhaps the most successful decade of integration in its history, yet it continues to be widely perceived as unstable and undemocratic. The Center for International Affairs was founded in 1958 and was renamed the Weatherhead Center for International Affairs in 1998 in gratitude for the endowment established by Albert and Celia Weatherhead and the Weatherhead Foundation. The Center was created as a means of confronting global problems. The Center is the largest international research center within Harvard University's Faculty of Arts and Sciences. It is distinctive in its recognition that knowledge is a product not only of individual academic research, but also of vigorous, sustained intellectual dialogue among scholars and nonacademic experts. To stimulate this dialogue, the Center sponsors a wide array of seminars, research programs, workshops, and conferences.

With the fall of the Soviet Union and the acceleration of global economic, political, and social pressures, Mexico, Central, and South America have undergone vast transformations. This collection details these changes and updates scholarship on a region once defined by the cold war and now struggling to define itself within the era of economic globalisation and democratisation. Rapid changes in the region have produced new and contentious scholarship, the best of which is contained in this five-volume set. The organisation is clear. Each volume treats a key discipline of study and the set forms a comprehensive whole.

Contents:
Loveman, Mara. 'High-Risk Collective Action: Defending Human Rights in Chile, Uruguay and Argentina.' American Journal of Sociology 104 (1998).

Lambrou, Yianna. 'The Changing Role of NGOs in Rural Chile After Democracy.' Bulletin of Latin American Research 16 (1997).

Keck, Margaret. 'Social Equity and Environment Politics in Brazil: Lessons from the Rubber Tappers of Acre.' Comparative Politics 27 (1995).

Collier, Ruth Berins and Mahoney, James. 'Adding Collective Actors to Collective Outcomes.' Comparative Politics 29 (1997).

Houtzager, Peter and Kurtz, Marcus. 'The Institutional Roots of Popular Mobilization: State Transformation and Rural Politics in Brazil and Chile, 1960-1990.' Comparative Studies in Society and History 42 (2000).

Davis, Charles, Aguilar, Edwin E., and Speer, John G. 'Associations and Activism: Mobilization of Urban Informal Workers in Costa Rica and Nicaragua.' Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 41 (1999).

Veltmeyer, Henry. 'New Social Movements in Latin America: The Dynamics of Class and Identity.' Journal of Peasant Studies 25 (1997).

Bastian, Jean-Pierre. 'The Metamorphosis of Latin American Protestant Groups: A Sociohistorical Perspective.' Latin American Research Review 28 (1993).

Pessar, Patricia. 'Three Moments in Brazilian Millenarianism: The Interrelationship between Politics and Religion.' Luso-Brazilian Review 28 (1991).

Kampwith, Karen. 'Feminism, Antifeminism and Electoral Politics in Postwar Nicaragua and El Salvador.' Political Science Quarterly 113 (1998).

Albers, Rebecca. 'From Clientelism to Cooperation: Local Government, Participatory Policy and Civil Organizing in Porto Alegre, Brazil.' Politics and Society 26 (1998).

Murillo, M. Victoria. 'From Populism to Neoliberalism: Labor Unions and Market Reforms in Latin America.' World Politics 52 (2000).

How do the foreign policy priorities of Latino Americans relate to U.S. foreign policy in general and U.S. policy toward Latin America in particular? Public policy elites and the general U.S. public doubt the depth of Latino patriotism, suspecting Latinos of representing their homelands' interests over and above those of the U.S. Through a series of studies surveying Latinos throughout the U.S., this book demonstrates that Latino Americans are more like other Americans with respect to foreign policy than is popularly assumed. At the same time, differences between and among various Latino communities (e.g., those with ties to Colombia, the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, and Mexico) exist, and may be a source of growing Latino political power perhaps more relevant to domestic politics than to foreign policy.

Jorge I. Dominguez has brought together experts from Latin America, the Caribbean and the US to explore transnational aspects of crime, migration, trade, security, democracy, and international financial institutions in the Americas. They consider the effect of drug trafficking on government, the economy, and the rule of law, at both national and hemispheric levels. They look at the policy implications of migration and immigration trends, as well as trends in international trade. Assessing how to promote peace and democracy in the region, several essays examine regional issues and institutions. Others analyze the role of international financial institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank in promoting economic reforms. Commissioned by the Inter-American Dialogue, this collection contributes to the debate on the future direction of inter-American relations.

Recent elections in Mexico have seen dramatic changes in public opinion toward political parties. Focusing on the elections of 1994 and 1997, the book evaluates campaign strategies, voting habits, party loyalty and the decline of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). It begins by situating the transformation of Mexico's parties in historical context, then goes on to consider the role of gender and the resurgence of the Mexican left. The contributors, drawn from the U.S. and Mexico, focus on both the strategies of political parties to woo voters, and how voters actually respond. They also develop several methodological innovations for studying public opinion that can be applied beyond the case of Mexico.

Recent elections in Mexico have seen dramatic changes in public opinion toward political parties. Focusing on the elections of 1994 and 1997, the book evaluates campaign strategies, voting habits, party loyalty and the decline of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). It begins by situating the transformation of Mexico's parties in an historical context, then goes on to consider the role of gender, and the resurgence of the Mexican left. The contributors, drawn from the US and Mexico focus on both the strategies of political parties to woo voters, and how voter actually responds. They also develop several methodological innovations for studying public opinion that can be applied beyond the case of Mexico.

First Published in 1994. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.

First Published in 1994. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.

This book  is a concise overview of the recent history of US-Central American relations. Part of the Contemporary Inter-American Relations series edited by Jorge Dominguez and Rafael Fernandez de Castro,   it focuses on the relations between the US and this region since the end of the Cold War.

The  volume considers economic relations between the two regions, presenting pertinent information on the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA). It also looks at political issues such as military cooperation, security issues, the drug trade and organized crime, democracy in the region, and migration. Finally, it concludes with an assessment of the direction US-Central American relations are taking at present, moving beyond the black-and-white challenges of Soviet domination in the region to address post-9/11 security concerns.

The United States and Central America will be of interest to students and scholars of foreign policy, Latin American politics and politics andinternational relations in general.

Nearly four decades since the onset of the third wave, political parties remain weak in Latin America: parties have collapsed in much of the region, and most new party-building efforts have failed. Why do some new parties succeed while most fail? This book challenges the widespread belief that democracy and elections naturally give rise to strong parties and argues that successful party-building is more likely to occur under conditions of intense conflict than under routine democracy. Periods of revolution, civil war, populist mobilization, or authoritarian repression crystallize partisan attachments, create incentives for organization-building, and generate a 'higher cause' that attracts committed activists. Empirically rich chapters cover diverse cases from across Latin America, including both successful and failed cases.

Nearly four decades since the onset of the third wave, political parties remain weak in Latin America: parties have collapsed in much of the region, and most new party-building efforts have failed. Why do some new parties succeed while most fail? This book challenges the widespread belief that democracy and elections naturally give rise to strong parties and argues that successful party-building is more likely to occur under conditions of intense conflict than under routine democracy. Periods of revolution, civil war, populist mobilization, or authoritarian repression crystallize partisan attachments, create incentives for organization-building, and generate a 'higher cause' that attracts committed activists. Empirically rich chapters cover diverse cases from across Latin America, including both successful and failed cases.

The 2000 Mexican presidential race culminated in the election of opposition candidate Vicente Fox and the end of seven decades of one-party rule. This book, which traces changes in public opinion and voter preferences over the course of the race, represents the most comprehensive treatment of campaigning and voting behavior in an emerging democracy. It challenges the "modest effects" paradigm of national election campaigns that has dominated scholarly research in the field. Chapters cover authoritarian mobilization of voters, turnout patterns, electoral cleavages, party strategies, television news coverage, candidate debates, negative campaigning, strategic voting, issue-based voting, and the role of the 2000 election in Mexico's political transition. Theoretically-oriented introductory and concluding chapters situate Mexico's 2000 election in the larger context of Mexican politics and of cross-national research on campaigns. Collectively, these contributions provide crucial insights into Mexico's new politics, with important implications for elections in other countries.

The boundary between Cuba and the United States has become more and more porous, as have those with Latin America and the Caribbean. Never in the past half-century has Cuba's leadership or its social and political fabric been so exposed to the influence of the outside world. In this book, an all-star cast of experts critically address the recent past and present in U.S.-Cuban relations in their full complexity and subtlety to develop a perspective on the evolution of the conflict and an inventory of forms of cooperation. This much needed approach provides a way to answer the questions "what has been . . .?" and "what is . . .?" while also thinking seriously about "what if . . .?" To illustrate the most significant areas of U.S.-Cuban relations in the contemporary era, this newly updated edition of Debating U.S.-Cuban Relations adds six more themes to the study of this complex relation: political, security, economic, and cultural/academic issues; the triangular relations of the United States, Cuba, and Europe; and the politics of Cuban migration/emigration. Each topic is represented by perspectives from both Cuban and non-Cuban scholars, leading to a resource rich in insight and a model of transnational dialogue. The future course of U.S.-Cuban relations will likely be more complex than in the past, not only because of the matrix of factors involved but also because of the number of actors. Such a multiplicity of domestic, regional, and global factors is unique; it includes the rise to power of new administrations in both countries since 2008. Raul Castro became president of Cuba in February 2008 and Barack Obama was inaugurated president of the United States in January 2009. And it will feature the inauguration of a new president of the United States in January 2017 and a new president of Cuba, likely in February 2018.

By sharing one of the longest land borders in the world, the United States and Mexico will always have a special relationship. In the early twenty-first century, they are as important to one another as ever before with a vital trade partnership and often-tense migration positions. The ideal introduction to U.S.-Mexican relations, this book moves from conflicts all through the nineteenth century up to contemporary democratic elections in Mexico.

Dominguez and Fernandez de Castro deftly trace the path of the relationship between these North American neighbors from bloody conflicts to (wary) partnership. By covering immigration, drug trafficking, NAFTA, democracy, environmental problems, and economic instability, the second edition of The United States and Mexico provides a thorough look back and an informed vision of the future. "

Drawing on the research and experience of fifteen internationally recognized Latin America scholars, this insightful text presents an overview of inter-American relations during the first two decades of the twenty-first century. This unique collection identifies broad changes in the international system that have had significant effects in the Western Hemisphere, including issues of politics and economics, the securitization of U.S. foreign policy, balancing U.S. primacy, the wider impact of the world beyond the Americas, especially the rise of China, and the complexities of relationships between neighbors. The second edition of Contemporary U.S.-Latin American Relations focuses on U.S. neighbors near and far -Mexico, Cuba, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Peru, and Venezuela. Each chapter addresses a country's relations with the United States, and each considers themes that are unique to that country's bilateral relations as well as those themes that are more general to the relations of Latin America as a whole. The book also features new chapters on transnational criminal violence, the Latino diasporas in the United States, and U.S.-Latin American migration. This cohesive and accessible volume is required reading for Latin American politics students and scholars alike.

The twentieth-century history of Cuba borders on fantasy. This diminutive country boldly and repeatedly exercises the foreign policy of a major power. Although closely tied to the United States through most of its modern history, Cuba successfully defied the U.S. government after 1959, consolidated its own power, and defeated an invasion of U.S.-backed exiles at the Bay of Pigs in 1961. Fidel Castro then brought the world alarmingly close to nuclear war in 1962. Jorge Dominguez presents a comprehensive survey of Cuban international relations since Castro came to power. Dominguez unravels Cuba's response to the 1962 missile crisis and the U.S.-Soviet understandings that emerged from that. He explores the ties that link Cuba to the U.S.S.R. and other Communist countries; analyzes Cuban support for revolutionary movements throughout the world, especially in Latin America and Africa; and assesses the significance of Cuban political and economic relations with Western Europe, Canada, and Japan. Some have charged that Cuba does not have a foreign policy, that Fidel Castro merely takes orders from his Soviet bosses. Dominguez argues that there is indeed a specifically Cuban foreign policy, poised not only between hegemony and autonomy, between compliance and self-assertion, but also between militancy and pragmatism. He believes that within the context of Soviet hegemony Cuba's foreign policy is very much its own, and he marshals impressive evidence to support this belief. His book is based on extensive documentation from Cuba, the United States, and other countries, as well as from many in-depth interviews carried out during trips to Cuba.