The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 created a new political landscape and a new era of warfare. Language, Symbols, and the Media, now in paperback, offers insights into the impact and influence of 9/11 upon our cultural, social, and political life. The book opens with an introductory chapter on communications, media language, and visual symbolism in the immediate wake of the attacks. The second chapter considers the challenge to religious pluralism, analyzing the grounds for the immediate backlash against Islam. Chapter 3 reviews several crucial historical and contemporary Supreme Court rulings relevant to the limitations of free speech in times of war and national crises. The consideration of First Amendment rights is continued in chapter 4, which places the Patriot Act in historical context by comparing the legislation and its interpretation of it to other legislation passed in response to past American crises. The immediate aftermath of the attacks witnessed many calls for an end to "the age of irony" and a return to "traditional values." Chapter 5 considers some contrarian responses and analyzes the impact of irony as a rhetorical device in American culture. The unifying role of sport in the post-9/11 healing process in America is examined in chapter 6. Chapter 7 examines the reactions and responses of young adults to the events of 9/11 one year later. Chapter 8 demonstrates how politicians received a public "makeover" of their careers. Chapter 9 explores the impact of 9/11 on the rhetoric of advertising, while chapter 10 focuses more closely on how it affected the tourism industry. A concluding chapter examines several instances of media self-censorship and its implications for the policymaking process during times of crisis. This volume will be of interest to cultural studies specialists, sociologists, journalists, political scientists, historians, as well as general readers.

The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 created a new political landscape and a new era of warfare. Language, Symbols, and the Media, now in paperback, offers insights into the impact and influence of 9/11 upon our cultural, social, and political life.

The book opens with an introductory chapter on communications, media language, and visual symbolism in the immediate wake of the attacks. The second chapter considers the challenge to religious pluralism, analyzing the grounds for the immediate backlash against Islam. Chapter 3 reviews several crucial historical and contemporary Supreme Court rulings relevant to the limitations of free speech in times of war and national crises. The consideration of First Amendment rights is continued in chapter 4, which places the Patriot Act in historical context by comparing the legislation and its interpretation of it to other legislation passed in response to past American crises.

The immediate aftermath of the attacks witnessed many calls for an end to "the age of irony" and a return to "traditional values." Chapter 5 considers some contrarian responses and analyzes the impact of irony as a rhetorical device in American culture. The unifying role of sport in the post-9/11 healing process in America is examined in chapter 6. Chapter 7 examines the reactions and responses of young adults to the events of 9/11 one year later. Chapter 8 demonstrates how politicians received a public "makeover" of their careers. Chapter 9 explores the impact of 9/11 on the rhetoric of advertising, while chapter 10 focuses more closely on how it affected the tourism industry. A concluding chapter examines several instances of media self-censorship and its implications for the policymaking process during times of crisis.

This volume will be of interest to cultural studies specialists, sociologists, journalists, political scientists, historians, as well as general readers.

In the fourth volume of this annual series, Robert G. Breene provides a comprehensive overview, analysis, and summary of the major political and economic trends and events in Central America, MERCOSUR, Andean and Caribbean nations, and Mexico. Analyzing these developments within the individual nations, their respective regions, and the world at large, the yearbook offers a timely look at the relevant background and information necessary to understand the changing nature of politics in Latin America today. The volume's opening two chapters continue the coverage of the earlier volumes, presenting details of various Latin American elections with relevant background information. The remaining five chapters cover various aspects of the development of regional history during the year 2001. Chapter 3 on U.S. diplomacy examines the immediate impact of President Clinton's various Latin American trips and initiatives. The Hemispheric Left and support for the Hemispheric Left are treated in general terms in chapter 4, while the next three chapters examine specific nations, Colombia (chapter 5), Venezuela (chapter 6), and Cuba (chapter 7) where these forces were of particular importance during the year. The material presented on Cuba is of particular interest considering the September 11, 2001 outrage; although, as the editor notes, it remains to be seen if the measures adopted at Guantanamo did keep Castro from dabbling in the aftermath. The final chapter continues the series' discussion of Latin American international organizations such as the Grupo de Rio and the Organization of American States. The continuity of the information presented in these volumes is one of their valuable assets as is the examination of the Disinformation Operation (DO) of the Hemispheric Left. Disinformation examples are many, ranging from the Harbury DO in Guatemala through Ruz Castro's Foro Soo Paolo and the totally misrepresented Zapatista National Liberation Army to the Great Gringo DO continues to operate with impunity. This is a reference volume with a point of view. It is brimming with facts and provides information not readily available through the American media. Compact, yet comprehensive, it is essential reading for political scientists, Latin American area specialists, and historians.

In the third volume of this annual series, Robert G. Breene provides a comprehensive overview, analysis, and summary of the major political and economic trends and events in Central American, MERCOSUR, Andean and Caribbean nations, including Mexico. The yearbook provides a timely look at relevant background information necessary to an understanding of the status of political forces in Latin America today. Chapter 1 looks at the elections and status of political forces in Latin America and describes the political situations in the four groups of nations. It provides an up-to-date, realistic definition of today's political "Left." Chapter 2 relates the politico-economic backgrounds of such representative Latin American nations as Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador, Honduras, Mexico, and Panama, while chapter 3 explores in detail three hemispheric heads of state receiving much international attention: Pinochet, Ortega, and Clinton. Chapter 4 discusses the Hemispheric Left (HL), described as a loose association of amorphous Marxist and militant left organizations, and, as in previous editions of this yearbook, includes an overview of all hemispheric terrorism. The year 1998 witnessed an increased, overshadowing level of terrorism in Colombia necessitating separate coverage of Colombian terrorism, which is treated in chapter 5. The final two chapters are concerned with the Hemispheric Left Support, dealing with the association of Latin American Marxist and Marxist-Leninist organizations, and providing a look at Latin American international organizations, including regional summits and hemisphere-wide associations such as the Grupo de Rio and the Organization of American States. This third volume is brimming with facts and provides information not readily available through American media. Compact yet comprehensive, it is essential reading for political scientists, Latin American area specialists, and historians. Robert G. Breene, Jr. has been a fighter pilot, a newspaper correspondent in Central America, a professor of physics, and the owner and operator of a 600-head cattle ranch in Nevada. His is currently head of the Latin American Syndicate in San Antonio, Texas.

The Civil Rights Act of 1960 aimed to close loopholes in its 1957 predecessor that had allowed continued voter disenfranchisement for African Americans and for Mexicans in Texas. In early 1959, the newly seated Eighty-Sixth Congress had four major civil rights bills under consideration. Eventually consolidated into the 1960 Civil Rights Act, their purpose was to correct the weaknesses in the 1957 law. Mitchell's papers from 1959 to 1960 show the extent to which congressional resistance to the passage of meaningful civil rights laws contributed to the lunch counter sit-ins in Greensboro, North Carolina, and to subsequent demonstrations. The papers reveal how the repercussions of these events affected the NAACP's work in Washington and how, despite their dislike of demonstrations, NAACP officials used them to intensify the civil rights struggle. Among the act's seven titles were provisions authorizing federal inspection of local voter registration rolls and penalties for anyone attempting to interfere with voters on the basis of race or color. The law extended the powers of the US Commission on Civil Rights and broadened the legal definition of the verb to vote to encompass all elements of the process: registering, casting a ballot, and properly counting that ballot. Ultimately, Mitchell considered the 1960 act unsuccessful because Congress had failed to include key amendments that would have further strengthened the 1957 act. In the House, representatives used parliamentary tactics to stall employment protections, school desegregation, poll-tax elimination, and other meaningful civil rights reforms. The fight would continue. The Papers of Clarence Mitchell Jr. series is a detailed record of the NAACP leader's success in bringing the legislative branch together with the judicial and executive branches to provide civil rights protections during the twentieth century.

As modern science and medical technology increase the life span of man, the human skeleton is required to function for longer periods of time. Many skeletal problems that besiege the adult stem from abnormalities that exist during infancy and adoles cence. These may be congenital problems or acquired problems due either to a child's environment or to some injury sustained during the growth years. Adolescents today are extremely active; many sports and hobbies subject them to an infinite array of traumatizing episodes that may result in injuries and diseases. When I wrote the first edition of The Adolescent Spine in 1976, I felt it pertinent to produce a work which would help medical students and practitioners alike. That edition was extremely successful, not only in this country, but also in many foreign countries. For a medical text, the number of copies purchased was overwhelming certifying that the adolescent spine is of serious interest to pediatricians, orthopaedists, physical therapists, physiatrists, medical students, and other allied health practitioners. This new edition has been revised and considerably expanded with this audience in mind. Four chapters have been contributed by authorities with special expertise."

Volume V of The Papers of Clarence Mitchell Jr. records the successful effort to pass the 1957 Civil Rights Act: the first federal civil rights legislation since 1875. Prior to the US Supreme Court's landmark 1954 decision in Brown v. Board of Education, the NAACP had faced an impenetrable wall of opposition from southerners in Congress. Basing their assertions on the court's 1896 "separate but equal" decision in Plessy v. Ferguson, legislators from the South maintained that their Jim Crow system was nondiscriminatory and thus constitutional. In their view, further civil rights laws were unnecessary. In ruling that legally mandated segregation of public schools was unconstitutional, the Brown decision demolished the southerners' argument. Mitchell then launched the decisive stage of the struggle to pass modern civil rights laws. The passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1957 was the first comprehensive lobbying campaign by an organization dedicated to that purpose since Reconstruction. Coming on the heels of the Brown decision, the 1957 law was a turning point in the struggle to accord Black citizens full equality under the Constitution. The act's passage, however, was nearly derailed in the Senate by southern opposition and Senator Strom Thurmond's record-setting filibuster, which lasted more than twenty-four hours. Congress later weakened several provisions of the act but--crucially--it broke a psychological barrier to the legislative enactment of such measures. The Papers of Clarence Mitchell Jr. is a detailed record of the NAACP leader's success in bringing the legislative branch together with the judicial and executive branches to provide civil rights protections during the twentieth century.

Volume IV of The Papers of Clarence Mitchell Jr. covers 1951, the year America entered the Korean War, through 1954, when the NAACP won its Brown v. Board of Education case, in which the Supreme Court declared that segregation was discrimination and thus unconstitutional. The decision enabled Mitchell to implement the legislative program that President Truman's Committee on Civil Rights outlined in its landmark 1947 report, To Secure These Rights..The papers show how Mitchell persuaded President Truman to extend further the Fair Employment Practices Com-mission idea by issuing an executive order to enforce the nondiscrimination clause in government contracts with private industry; President Eisenhower further revised and strengthened this order. Mitchell similarly won the support of both presidents in ending segregation in many government-supported facilities and throughout the armed services..He expanded President Eisenhower's commitment to ending discrimination in federal funding by leading the struggle to get Congress to enact laws barring such practices in aid to education and all similar programs.

Clarence Mitchell Jr. Was The Driving Force in the movement for passage of civil rights laws in America. The foundation for Mitchell's struggle was laid during his tenure at the Fair Employment Practice Committee, where he led implementation of President Roosevelt's policy barring racial discrimination in employment in the national defense and war industry programs. Mitchell's FEPC reports and memoranda chart the beginning of the modern civil rights movement. The first two volumes of a projected five-volume documentary edition of the papers of Clarence Mitchell Jr. illuminate the FEPC's work as a federal affirmative-action agency and the government's struggle to enforce the nation's antidiscrimination policy in industry, federal agencies, and labor unions. Subsequent volumes will trace Mitchell's successive enlistment of seven presidents in establishing and enforcing a permanent national nondiscrimination policy. Through his efforts, Congress passed the 1957, 1960, and 1961 Civil Rights Acts prohibiting discrimination in public accommodations, federal spending, and employment based on race, color, sex, and national origin; the 1965 Voting Rights Act; and the 1968 Fair Housing Act. Editor Denton L. Watson introduces and annotates Mitchell's writings, providing context and insight for students and scholars of civil rights history, government, law, and sociology.