Black and Indigenous Resistance in the Americas is an essential roadmap to understanding contemporary racial politics across the Americas, where openly white supremacist politics are on the rise. It is the product of a multiyear, transnational research project by the Anti-racist Research and Action Network of the Americas in collaboration with resistance movements confronting racial retrenchment in Brazil, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Guatemala, Mexico, and the United States. How did we get here? And what anti-racist strategies are equal to the dire task of confronting resurgent racism? This volume provides powerful answers to these pressing questions. 1) It traces the making and contestation of state-led racial projects in response to black and indigenous mobilization during an era of expansion of multicultural rights in the context of neoliberal capitalism. 2) It identifies the origins and manifestations of the backlash against hard-fought (but hardly far-reaching) gains by marginalized peoples, showing that (contrary to critiques of "identity politics") the losses and anxieties produced by the failures of neoliberalism have been understood in racial terms. 3) It distills a path forward for progressive anti-racist activism in the Americas that looks beyond state-centered, rights-seeking strategies and instead situates a critique of racial capitalism as central to the contestation of white supremacy.

How race shapes expectations about whose losses matter In democracies, citizens must accept loss; we can’t always be on the winning side. But in the United States, the fundamental civic capacity of being able to lose is not distributed equally. Propped up by white supremacy, whites (as a group) are accustomed to winning; they have generally been able to exercise political rule without having to accept sharing it. Black citizens, on the other hand, are expected to be political heroes whose civic suffering enables progress toward racial justice. In this book, Juliet Hooker, a leading thinker on democracy and race, argues that the two most important forces driving racial politics in the United States today are Black grief and white grievance. Black grief is exemplified by current protests against police violence—the latest in a tradition of violent death and subsequent public mourning spurring Black political mobilization. The potent politics of white grievance, meanwhile, which is also not new, imagines the United States as a white country under siege. Drawing on African American political thought, Hooker examines key moments in US racial politics that illuminate the problem of loss in democracy. She connects today’s Black Lives Matter protests to the use of lynching photographs to arouse public outrage over post–Reconstruction era racial terror, and she discusses Emmett Till’s funeral as a catalyst for the civil rights struggles of the 1950s and 1960s. She also traces the political weaponization of white victimhood during the Obama and Trump presidencies. Calling for an expansion of Black and white political imaginations, Hooker argues that both must learn to sit with loss, for different reasons and to different ends.

Black and Indigenous Resistance in the Americas is an essential roadmap to understanding contemporary racial politics across the Americas, where openly white supremacist politics are on the rise. It is the product of a multiyear, transnational research project by the Anti-racist Research and Action Network of the Americas in collaboration with resistance movements confronting racial retrenchment in Brazil, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Guatemala, Mexico, and the United States. How did we get here? And what anti-racist strategies are equal to the dire task of confronting resurgent racism? This volume provides powerful answers to these pressing questions. 1) It traces the making and contestation of state-led racial projects in response to black and indigenous mobilization during an era of expansion of multicultural rights in the context of neoliberal capitalism. 2) It identifies the origins and manifestations of the backlash against hard-fought (but hardly far-reaching) gains by marginalized peoples, showing that (contrary to critiques of "identity politics") the losses and anxieties produced by the failures of neoliberalism have been understood in racial terms. 3) It distills a path forward for progressive anti-racist activism in the Americas that looks beyond state-centered, rights-seeking strategies and instead situates a critique of racial capitalism as central to the contestation of white supremacy.

In 1845 two thinkers from the American hemisphere-the Argentinean statesman Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, and the fugitive ex-slave, abolitionist leader, and orator from the United States, Frederick Douglass-both published their first works. Each would become the most famous and enduring texts in what were both prolific careers, and they ensured Sarmiento and Douglass' position as leading figures in the canon of Latin American and U.S. African-American political thought, respectively. But despite the fact that both deal directly with key political and philosophical questions in the Americas, Douglass and Sarmiento, like African-American and Latin American thought more generally, are never read alongside each other. This may be because their ideas about race differed dramatically. Sarmiento advocated the Europeanization of Latin America and espoused a virulent form of anti-indigenous racism, while Douglass opposed slavery and defended the full humanity of black persons. Still, as Juliet Hooker contends, looking at the two together allows one to chart a hemispheric intellectual geography of race that challenges political theory's preoccupation with and assumptions about East/West comparisons, and questions the use of comparison as a tool in the production of theory and philosophy. By juxtaposing four prominent nineteenth and twentieth-century thinkers-Frederick Douglass, Domingo F. Sarmiento, W. E. B. Du Bois, and Jose Vasconcelos-her book will be the first to bring African-American and Latin American political thought into conversation. Hooker stresses that Latin American and U.S. ideas about race were not developed in isolation, but grew out of transnational intellectual exchanges across the Americas. In so doing, she shows that nineteenth and twentieth-century U.S. and Latin American thinkers each looked to political models in the "other" America to advance racial projects in their own countries. Reading these four intellectuals hemispheric thinkers, Hooker foregrounds elements of their work that have been dismissed by dominant readings, and provides a crucial platform to bridge the canons of Latin American and African-American political thought.

Drawing primarily on the US #blacklivesmatter movement, contributors to this issue come to terms with the crisis in the meaning of black politics during the post-civil rights era as evidenced in the unknown trajectories of black protests. The authors' timely essays frame black protests and the implications of contemporary police killings of black people as symptomatic of a crisis in black politics within the white limits of liberal democracy. Topics in this issue include the contemporary politics of black rage; the significance of the Ferguson and Baltimore black protests in circumventing formal electoral politics; the ways in which centering the dead black male body draws attention away from other daily forms of racial and gender violence that particularly affect black women; the problem of white nationalisms motivated by a sense of white grievance; the international and decolonial dimensions of black politics; and the relation between white sovereignty and black life politics. Contributors. Barnor Hesse, Juliet Hooker, Minkah Makalani, John Marquez, Junaid Rana, Deborah Thompson, Shatema Threadcraft

In 1845 two thinkers from the American hemisphere - the Argentinean statesman Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, and the fugitive ex-slave, abolitionist leader, and orator from the United States, Frederick Douglass - both published their first works. Each would become the most famous and enduring texts in what were both prolific careers, and they ensured Sarmiento and Douglass' position as leading figures in the canon of Latin American and U.S. African-American political thought, respectively. But despite the fact that both deal directly with key political and philosophical questions in the Americas, Douglass and Sarmiento, like African-American and Latin American thought more generally, are never read alongside each other. This may be because their ideas about race differed dramatically. Sarmiento advocated the Europeanization of Latin America and espoused a virulent form of anti-indigenous racism, while Douglass opposed slavery and defended the full humanity of black persons. Still, as Juliet Hooker contends, looking at the two together allows one to chart a hemispheric intellectual geography of race that challenges political theory's preoccupation with and assumptions about East / West comparisons, and questions the use of comparison as a tool in the production of theory and philosophy. By juxtaposing four prominent nineteenth and twentieth-century thinkers - Frederick Douglass, Domingo F. Sarmiento, W. E. B. Du Bois, and Jose Vasconcelos - her book will be the first to bring African-American and Latin American political thought into conversation. Hooker stresses that Latin American and U.S. ideas about race were not developed in isolation, but grew out of transnational intellectual exchanges across the Americas. In so doing, she shows that nineteenth and twentieth-century U.S. and Latin American thinkers each looked to political models in the 'other' America to advance racial projects in their own countries. Reading these four intellectuals as hemispheric thinkers, Hooker foregrounds elements of their work that have been dismissed by dominant readings, and provides a crucial platform to bridge the canons of Latin American and African-American political thought.