As Hong Kong is integrated into the People's Republic of China, ever fewer people in the city identify as Chinese. Two Systems, Two Countries explains why. Two Systems, Two Countries traces the origins of Hong Kong nationalism and introduces readers to its main schools of thought: city-state theory, self-determination, independence, and returnism. The idea of Hong Kong independence, Kevin Carrico shows, is more than just a provocation testing Beijing's red lines: it represents a collective awakening to the failure of One Country Two Systems and the need to transcend obsolete orthodoxies. With a conclusion that examines Hong Kong nationalism's influence on the 2019 protest movement, Two Systems, Two Countries is an engaging and accessible introduction to the tumultuous shifts in Hong Kong politics and identity over the past decade.

As Hong Kong is integrated into the People's Republic of China, ever fewer people in the city identify as Chinese. Two Systems, Two Countries explains why. Two Systems, Two Countries traces the origins of Hong Kong nationalism and introduces readers to its main schools of thought: city-state theory, self-determination, independence, and returnism. The idea of Hong Kong independence, Kevin Carrico shows, is more than just a provocation testing Beijing's red lines: it represents a collective awakening to the failure of One Country Two Systems and the need to transcend obsolete orthodoxies. With a conclusion that examines Hong Kong nationalism's influence on the 2019 protest movement, Two Systems, Two Countries is an engaging and accessible introduction to the tumultuous shifts in Hong Kong politics and identity over the past decade.

The Great Han is an ethnographic study of the Han Clothing movement (Hanfu yundong), a neo-traditionalist and majority racial nationalist movement that has emerged in China since 2001. Participants come together both online and in person in cities across China to revitalize their utopian vision of the authentic "Great Han" and corresponding "real China" through pseudo-traditional ethnic dress, reinvented Confucian ritual, and anti-foreign sentiment. Employing close analysis of movement ideas and practices, this book finds that the movement's "real China," envisioning a pure, perfectly ordered, ethnically homogeneous, and secure society, is in fact an imaginary vision constructed in response to the challenging realities of the present. Yet this national imaginary is reproduced precisely through its own perpetual elusiveness. The Great Han is a pioneering analysis of Han identity, nationalism, and social movements in a rapidly changing China.

The Great Han is an ethnographic study of the Han Clothing movement (Hanfu yundong), a neo-traditionalist and majority racial nationalist movement that has emerged in China since 2001. Participants come together both online and in person in cities across China to revitalize their utopian vision of the authentic "Great Han" and corresponding "real China" through pseudo-traditional ethnic dress, reinvented Confucian ritual, and anti-foreign sentiment. Employing close analysis of movement ideas and practices, this book finds that the movement's "real China," envisioning a pure, perfectly ordered, ethnically homogeneous, and secure society, is in fact an imaginary vision constructed in response to the challenging realities of the present. Yet this national imaginary is reproduced precisely through its own perpetual elusiveness. The Great Han is a pioneering analysis of Han identity, nationalism, and social movements in a rapidly changing China.

Chinese media in the reform era walk a fine line between commercialized diversification and Party-state control. Nowhere have these two trends been in more open conflict than at Southern Weekly (Nanfang Zhoumo), a bestselling Guangzhou-based newspaper known for reliably pushing the envelope on media controls. This gripping insider's account highlights the fiery internal debates and public protests at the paper at the beginning of Xi Jinping's reign. In early 2013, disagreements with censors over draconian cuts to the paper's New Year's edition grew into a lengthy internal discussion about how to push back against the Party's ever-tightening constraints. At the same time, a parallel movement emerged among activists protesting outside the paper's Guangzhou's headquarters to publicly show their opposition to Party control over the media. Nothing, however, changed, as Party-state controls remained firmly in place. Guan Jun offers thoughtful reflections on the tensions inherent within the Chinese government's program of "reform and opening," in the new era of tightening authoritarianism under Xi Jinping. The End of Chinese Media, as a first-person account of a seminal cultural and political moment early in, provides an ominous warning on the path ahead for Chinese media and civil society.

Chinese media in the reform era walk a fine line between commercialized diversification and Party-state control. Nowhere have these two trends been in more open conflict than at Southern Weekly (Nanfang Zhoumo), a bestselling Guangzhou-based newspaper known for reliably pushing the envelope on media controls. This gripping insider's account highlights the fiery internal debates and public protests at the paper at the beginning of Xi Jinping's reign. In early 2013, disagreements with censors over draconian cuts to the paper's New Year's edition grew into a lengthy internal discussion about how to push back against the Party's ever-tightening constraints. At the same time, a parallel movement emerged among activists protesting outside the paper's Guangzhou's headquarters to publicly show their opposition to Party control over the media. Nothing, however, changed, as Party-state controls remained firmly in place. Guan Jun offers thoughtful reflections on the tensions inherent within the Chinese government's program of "reform and opening," in the new era of tightening authoritarianism under Xi Jinping. The End of Chinese Media, as a first-person account of a seminal cultural and political moment early in, provides an ominous warning on the path ahead for Chinese media and civil society.

Since the 2008 uprising, nearly one-hundred and fifty Tibetan monks have self-immolated in protest of the Chinese occupation of their lands. Most have died from their wounds. "If Tibetans saw even a sliver of an opportunity to hold demonstrations, then they would not resort to self-immolation," Woeser, the dissident Tibetan poet, has written in the New York Times. The Tibetans she references includes herself: a prominent voice of the Tibetan movement, and one of the few Tibetan authors to write in Chinese, Woeser has been placed under house arrest and lives under close surveillance. Tibet On Fire is her account of the oppression Tibetans face, and the ideals driving both the self-immolators and other Tibetans like herself. Angry and clear, Tibet On Fire is a clarion call for the world to take action.