Modern corporations are key participants in the new globalized economy. As such, they have been accorded tremendous latitude and granted extensive rights. However, accompanying obligations have not been similarly forthcoming. Chief among them is the obligation not to commit atrocities or human rights abuses in the pursuit of profit. Multinational corporations are increasingly complicit in genocides that occur in the developing world. While they benefit enormously from the crime, they are immune from prosecution at the international level. Prosecuting Corporations for Genocide proposes new legal pathways to ensure such companies are held criminally liable for their conduct by creating a framework for international criminal jurisdiction. If a state or a person commits genocide, they are punished, and international law demands such. Nevertheless, corporate actors have successfully avoided this through an array of legal arguments which Professor Kelly challenges. He demonstrates how international criminal jurisdiction should be extended over corporations for complicity in genocide and makes the case that it should be done promptly.

This is the inside story of the International Criminal Court, one of the most innovative international institutions, from the unique perspective of its first Chief Prosecutor, Luis Moreno Ocampo. Moreno Ocampo received the unprecedented mandate to trigger the International Criminal Court's investigation into sovereign states in June 2003, just three months after the Iraq invasion. At the time, there were serious doubts about the ICC's viability. By 2012, the end of his tenure, the future of the ICC was no longer at risk. However, as Moreno Ocampo's experiences have shown, what was and still is up for debate is the Rome Statute's ability to "contribute to the prevention" of future crimes. The implementation of the Rome Statute has coincided with the War on Terror. The international criminal justice system that protects the rights of victims and suspects clashes with the US policy authorizing the killing abroad of individuals considered enemy combatants. Legal designs are literally a matter of life or death. This book examines a consequential blind spot: The War on Terror obstructed justice and promoted terrorism. The Iraq intervention produced the 'Islamic State', and after twenty years of occupation, the Taliban returned to power. The Afghanistan occupation has ended, but not so the War on Terror. Using drones and proxy forces to eliminate enemies in foreign countries has become the "new normal." Arguing that there is no chaos, just complexity, Moreno Ocampo produces an interdisciplinary analysis of his decisions, describing a "fragmented" international legal system's operation and the relationships between legal and political decisions. This book aims to help new generations to manage violence with new ways of legal and political thinking.

This book sheds light on the complicated, multi-faceted relationship between nationalism and democracy by examining how nationalism in various periods and contexts shapes, or is shaped by, democratic practices or the lack thereof. This book examines nationalism's relationship with democracy using three approaches:

• The challenge of democracy for sub-state nationalism: analyzing the circumstances under which sub-state nationalism is compatible with democracy, and assessing the democratic implications of various nationalist projects.

• The impact of state nationalism on democratic practices: examining the implications of state nationalism for democracy, both in countries where liberal democratic principles and practices are well-established and where they are not.

• Understanding how state nationalism affects democratization processes and what impact sub-state nationalism has in these contexts.

Featuring a range of case studies on Western, Eastern and Central Europe, Russia, African and the Middle East, this book will be of interest to students and scholars of political science, sociology, nationalism and democracy.

This is a major contribution to our understanding of European integration.

It analyzes for the first time, in a highly systematic fashion, European integration as transnational political society formation in a common political space.

Four conceptual chapters discuss different approaches to studying European 'transnationalization' including networks and socialization. Six empirical chapters provide in-depth studies of different aspects of this process and policy fields ranging from European party networks and university collaboration to informal economic governance in the Eurozone and police collaboration across borders.

This book redresses the excessive concentration in EU research on supranational policy-making and inter-state bargaining. It will be of great interest to political scientists as well as contemporary historians, sociologists and lawyers.

Since the mid-1970s, European states have been reassessing the welfare state and reconfiguring their relationship with each other. The inter-linkages between these phenomenon, however, have never been comprehensively examined. This innovative volume situates the expansion and ongoing development of the welfare state within the framework of territorial politics. The book includes country studies on the UK, Spain, Belgium, Italy, Germany, France, the Nordic countries and Canada, addressing key questions such as: *Did the expansion of state welfare provide a basis for national unity by reinforcing attachment to the national state or was a shared national identity and solidarity a necessary condition underpinning and legitimising welfare expansion? *Has the retreat from state welfare weakened state national identity and reinforced support for greater sub-state autonomy or has the reassertion of regional identity and sub-state autonomy undermined welfare states by weakening the sense of national solidarity? the process of Europeanization, taken into account at both national and regional levels of welfare provision? *Can the European Union draw upon its developing role in social policy to generate a sense of belonging and attachment to the European 'community'? In addition to its empirical investigation, The Territorial Politics of Welfare includes an examination of the role of the European Union in social policy development. It will interest scholars of social policy, territorial politics and European studies.

The process of devolution in Spain was initiated with the transition to democracy after the death of General Franco. Since 1978, the country has gone through a simultaneous process of democratization and federalization. The first chapter in this volume discusses theoretical concepts, such as ethnic group, nation-state, nationalism, or federalism. A review of the historical background of plural Spain is followed by an analysis of the transfers of political to historical nationalities (Basque Country, Catalonia and Galicia) and regions. The final chapters deal with the dual identity expressed by a majority of Spaniards, and future scenarios for a federal Spain."

The process of devolution in Spain was initiated with the transition to democracy after the death of General Franco. Since 1978, the country has gone through a simultaneous process of democratization and federalization. The first chapter in this volume discusses theoretical concepts, such as ethnic group, nation-state, nationalism, or federalism. A review of the historical background of plural Spain is followed by an analysis of the transfers of political to historical nationalities (Basque Country, Catalonia and Galicia) and regions. The final chapters deal with the dual identity expressed by a majority of Spaniards, and future scenarios for a federal Spain.

This survey addresses the use of technology in upper secondary mathematics education from four points of view: theoretical analysis of epistemological and cognitive aspects of activity in new technology mediated learning environments, the changes brought by technology in the interactions between environment, students and teachers, the interrelations between mathematical activities and technology, skills and competencies that must be developed in teacher education. Research shows that the use of some technologies may deeply change the solving processes and contribute to impact the learning processes. The questions are which technologies to choose for which purposes, and how to integrate them, so as to maximize all students' agency. In particular the role of the teacher in classrooms and the content of teacher education programs are critical for taking full advantage of technology in teaching practice.

This book sheds light on the complicated, multi-faceted relationship between nationalism and democracy by examining how nationalism in various periods and contexts shapes, or is shaped by, democratic practices or the lack thereof. This book examines nationalism's relationship with democracy using three approaches: The challenge of democracy for sub-state nationalism: analyzing the circumstances under which sub-state nationalism is compatible with democracy, and assessing the democratic implications of various nationalist projects. The impact of state nationalism on democratic practices: examining the implications of state nationalism for democracy, both in countries where liberal democratic principles and practices are well-established and where they are not. Understanding how state nationalism affects democratization processes and what impact sub-state nationalism has in these contexts. Featuring a range of case studies on Western, Eastern and Central Europe, Russia, African and the Middle East, this book will be of interest to students and scholars of political science, sociology, nationalism and democracy.

The text of Cultures of Anyone is freely available online at the Modern Languages Open platform www.modernlanguagesopen.org Cultures of Anyone studies the emergence of collaborative and non-hierarchical cultures in the context of the Spanish economic crisis of 2008. It explains how peer-to-peer social networks that have arisen online and through social movements such as the Indignados have challenged a longstanding cultural tradition of intellectual elitism and capitalist technocracy in Spain. From the establishment of a technocratic and consumerist culture during the second part of the Franco dictatorship to the transition to neoliberalism that accompanied the 'transition to democracy', intellectuals and 'experts' have legitimized contemporary Spanish history as a series of unavoidable steps in a process of 'modernization'. But when unemployment skyrocketed and a growing number of people began to feel that the consequences of this Spanish 'modernization' had increasingly led to precariousness, this paradigm collapsed. In the wake of Spain's financial meltdown of 2008, new 'cultures of anyone' have emerged around the idea that the people affected by or involved in a situation should be the ones to participate in changing it. Growing through grassroots social movements, digital networks, and spaces traditionally reserved for 'high culture' and institutional politics, these cultures promote processes of empowerment and collaborative learning that allow the development of the abilities and knowledge base of 'anyone', regardless of their economic status or institutional affiliations.