Suicide and Social Justice unites diverse scholarly and social justice perspectives on the international problem of suicide and suicidal behavior. With a focus on social justice, the book seeks to understand the complex interactions between individual and group experiences with suicidality and various social pathologies, including inequality, intergenerational poverty, racism, sexism, and homophobia. Chapters investigate the underlying and often overlooked connections that link rising rates and disproportionate concentrations of suicide within specific populations to wider social, political, and economic conditions. This edited volume brings diverse scholarly and social justice perspectives to bear on the problem of suicide and suicidal behavior, equipping researchers and practitioners with the knowledge they need to fundamentally rethink suicide and suicide prevention.

Suicide and Social Justice unites diverse scholarly and social justice perspectives on the international problem of suicide and suicidal behavior. With a focus on social justice, the book seeks to understand the complex interactions between individual and group experiences with suicidality and various social pathologies, including inequality, intergenerational poverty, racism, sexism, and homophobia. Chapters investigate the underlying and often overlooked connections that link rising rates and disproportionate concentrations of suicide within specific populations to wider social, political, and economic conditions. This edited volume brings diverse scholarly and social justice perspectives to bear on the problem of suicide and suicidal behavior, equipping researchers and practitioners with the knowledge they need to fundamentally rethink suicide and suicide prevention.

Historically speaking, our vices, like our virtues, have come in two basic forms: intellectual and moral. One of the main purposes of this book is to analyze a set of specifically political vices that have not been given sufficient attention within political theory but that nonetheless pose enduring challenges to the sustainability of free and equitable political relationships of various kinds. Political vices like hubris, willful blindness, and recalcitrance are persistent dispositions of character and conduct that imperil both the functioning of democratic institutions and the trust that a diverse citizenry has in the ability of those institutions to secure a just political order of equal moral standing, reciprocal freedom, and human dignity. Political vices embody a repudiation of the reciprocal conditions of politics and, as a consequence of this, they represent a standing challenge to the principles and values of the mixed political regime we call liberal-democracy. Mark Button shows how political vices not only carry out discrete forms of injustice but also facilitate the habituation in and indifference toward systemic forms of social and political injustice. They do so through excesses and deficiencies in human sensory and communicative capacities relating to voice (hubris), vision (moral blindness), and listening (recalcitrance). Drawing on a wide range of intellectual resources, including ancient Greek tragedy, social psychology, moral epistemology, and democratic theory, Political Vices gives new consideration to a list of "deadly vices" that contemporary political societies can neither ignore as a matter of personal "sin" nor publicly disregard as a matter of mere bad choice, and it provides a democratic account that outlines how citizens can best contend with our most troubling political vices without undermining core commitments to liberalism or pluralism.

In a beautifully written, persuasively argued book, Button offers a new account of the modern liberal tradition of political thought. --D. Casson, Choice. ""Button argues that 'contract makes citizens,' rather than vice versa. He provides no less than a reexamination of the major texts in social contract theory--including those of Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau--emphasizing the importance within this tradition of a 'transformative' and deeply educative project. An excellent book: fresh, original, clearly written and cogently argued, and based on an impressively wide array of sources. This book deserves a wide readership."" --Stephen Macedo, Princeton University.The idea of the social contract has typically been seen in political theory as legitimating the exercise of governmental power and creating the moral basis for political order. Mark Button wants to draw our attention to an equally crucial, but seldom emphasized, role for the social contract: its educative function in cultivating the habits and virtues that citizens need to fulfill the promises that the social contract represents. .In this book, he retells the story of social contract theory as developed by some of its major proponents--Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, and Rawls--highlighting this constructive feature of the theory in order to show that not only do citizens make the social contract, but the social contract also makes citizens. .Button's interest in recovering this theme from past political theory is not merely historical, however. He means to resurrect our concern for it so that we can better understand the political-institutional and cultural-ethical conditions necessary for balancing individual freedom and common citizenship in our modern world of moral pluralism. Drawing on the history of public reason, Button shows how political justification continues to depend upon an ethics of character formation and why this matters for citizens today.