Why has power in the West assumed the form of an "economy," that is, of a government of men and things? If power is essentially government, why does it need glory, that is, the ceremonial and liturgical apparatus that has always accompanied it?
In the early centuries of the Church, in order to reconcile monotheism with God's threefold nature, the doctrine of Trinity was introduced in the guise of an economy of divine life. It was as if the Trinity amounted to nothing more than a problem of managing and governing the heavenly house and the world. Agamben shows that, when combined with the idea of providence, this theological-economic paradigm unexpectedly lies at the origin of many of the most important categories of modern politics, from the democratic theory of the division of powers to the strategic doctrine of collateral damage, from the invisible hand of Smith's liberalism to ideas of order and security.
But the greatest novelty to emerge from "The Kingdom and the Glory " is that modern power is not only government but also glory, and that the ceremonial, liturgical, and acclamatory aspects that we have regarded as vestiges of the past actually constitute the basis of Western power. Through a fascinating analysis of liturgical acclamations and ceremonial symbols of power--the throne, the crown, purple cloth, the Fasces, and more--Agamben develops an original genealogy that illuminates the startling function of consent and of the media in modern democracies. With this book, the work begun with "Homo Sacer" reaches a decisive point, profoundly challenging and renewing our vision of politics.

One of Italy's best-known contemporary philosophers and leftists offers a literature-informed take on our contemporary political situation. During the dramatic course of the twentieth century, amid the clash of the titans which marked that era, humanity could still think in terms of partisan struggles in which large masses took sides against one another. The new millennium, by contrast, appears to have opened under the guise of generalized insecurity, which pertains not only to the historical and social situation, or to one’s personal psychological predicament, but to our very being. The Earth’s current faltering and the twilight of every convention that might govern it—where roles, images, and languages become confused by a lack of direction and distance—were already powerfully prophesied in Shakespeare’s Hamlet, and later in the works of Kafka and Beckett. In Hamletics, Massimo Cacciari, one of Italy’s foremost philosophers and leftist political figures, establishes a dialogue between these fateful authors, exploring the relationship between European nihilism and the aporias of action in the present.

Originally published in 1965, The Writer and the People was one of the key books in the revitalization and invigoration of the young Left in late-1960s Italy. Aiming to demystify the myth of populism, Alberto Asor Rosa takes on Marxism and its legacy, the relationship between Fascism and the Left, the prospects for militant anti-Fascism, and more. He does so through detailed reconstructions, analyses, and critiques of some of the central figures of modern Italian literature, including Giovanni Verga, Carlo Casola, Antonio Gramsci, and Pier Paolo Pasolini. Translated into English for the first time, The Writer and the People is both a historical text, helping us understand postwar Italian politics and society, and a living document, able to educate and inspire left-wing activists today.

Why has power in the West assumed the form of an "economy," that is, of a government of men and things? If power is essentially government, why does it need glory, that is, the ceremonial and liturgical apparatus that has always accompanied it?
In the early centuries of the Church, in order to reconcile monotheism with God's threefold nature, the doctrine of Trinity was introduced in the guise of an economy of divine life. It was as if the Trinity amounted to nothing more than a problem of managing and governing the heavenly house and the world. Agamben shows that, when combined with the idea of providence, this theological-economic paradigm unexpectedly lies at the origin of many of the most important categories of modern politics, from the democratic theory of the division of powers to the strategic doctrine of collateral damage, from the invisible hand of Smith's liberalism to ideas of order and security.
But the greatest novelty to emerge from "The Kingdom and the Glory " is that modern power is not only government but also glory, and that the ceremonial, liturgical, and acclamatory aspects that we have regarded as vestiges of the past actually constitute the basis of Western power. Through a fascinating analysis of liturgical acclamations and ceremonial symbols of power--the throne, the crown, purple cloth, the Fasces, and more--Agamben develops an original genealogy that illuminates the startling function of consent and of the media in modern democracies. With this book, the work begun with "Homo Sacer" reaches a decisive point, profoundly challenging and renewing our vision of politics.

Capital is a chameleon that assumes different guises while maintaining the same logic, exploiting crisis as an opportunity for regeneration. Yet each transformation opens a passage for radical conflict and new revolutionary theories and subjects. This is particularly true of the critical passage from the 1920s to the 1930s, which Giacomo Marramao presents as an incandescent laboratory of theoretical and practical transformations and fierce confrontations. Moving from Austro-Marxism to Frankfurt School Critical Theory, from Hilferding to Grossmann, and Max Weber to Carl Schmitt, The Bewitched World of Capital shows how 'the Political' was remade in the passage from free-market capitalism to mass society, throwing new light on forms of domination and conflict that also traverse our present.

In "The Labor of Job," the renowned Marxist political philosopher Antonio Negri develops an unorthodox interpretation of the Old Testament book of Job, a canonical text of Judeo-Christian thought. In the biblical narrative, the pious Job is made to suffer for no apparent reason. The story revolves around his quest to understand why he must bear, and why God would allow, such misery. Conventional readings explain the tale as an affirmation of divine transcendence. When God finally speaks to Job, it is to assert his sovereignty and establish that it is not Job's place to question what God allows. In Negri's materialist reading, Job does not recognize God's transcendence. He denies it, and in so doing becomes a co-creator of himself and the world.

"The Labor of Job" was first published in Italy in 1990. Negri began writing it in the early 1980s, while he was a political prisoner in Italy, and it was the first book he completed during his exile in France (1983-97). As he writes in the preface, understanding suffering was for him in the early 1980s "an essential element of resistance. . . . It was the problem of liberation, in prison and in exile, from within the absoluteness of Power." Negri presents a Marxist interpretation of Job's story. He describes it as a parable of human labor, one that illustrates the impossibility of systems of measure, whether of divine justice (in Job's case) or the value of labor (in the case of late-twentieth-century Marxism). In the foreword, Michael Hardt elaborates on this interpretation. In his commentary, Roland Boer considers Negri's reading of the book of Job in relation to the Bible and biblical exegesis. "The Labor of Job" provides an intriguing and accessible entry into the thought of one of today's most important political philosophers.

In "The Labor of Job," the renowned Marxist political philosopher Antonio Negri develops an unorthodox interpretation of the Old Testament book of Job, a canonical text of Judeo-Christian thought. In the biblical narrative, the pious Job is made to suffer for no apparent reason. The story revolves around his quest to understand why he must bear, and why God would allow, such misery. Conventional readings explain the tale as an affirmation of divine transcendence. When God finally speaks to Job, it is to assert his sovereignty and establish that it is not Job's place to question what God allows. In Negri's materialist reading, Job does not recognize God's transcendence. He denies it, and in so doing becomes a co-creator of himself and the world.

"The Labor of Job" was first published in Italy in 1990. Negri began writing it in the early 1980s, while he was a political prisoner in Italy, and it was the first book he completed during his exile in France (1983-97). As he writes in the preface, understanding suffering was for him in the early 1980s "an essential element of resistance. . . . It was the problem of liberation, in prison and in exile, from within the absoluteness of Power." Negri presents a Marxist interpretation of Job's story. He describes it as a parable of human labor, one that illustrates the impossibility of systems of measure, whether of divine justice (in Job's case) or the value of labor (in the case of late-twentieth-century Marxism). In the foreword, Michael Hardt elaborates on this interpretation. In his commentary, Roland Boer considers Negri's reading of the book of Job in relation to the Bible and biblical exegesis. "The Labor of Job" provides an intriguing and accessible entry into the thought of one of today's most important political philosophers.

Antonio Negri, the renowned co-author of 'Empire', provides this study of the founder of modern philosophy. The book is available in English for the first time.

The two key essays by Antonio Negri brought together here for the first time were written in prison two decades apart. Time for Revolution illuminates the course of Negri's thinking from the 1980s to Empire and beyond. Time for Revolution reflects Negri's abiding interest in the philosophy of time and resistance. The first essay is a central work in Negri's oeuvre, tracing the fracture lines which force capitalist society into perpetual crisis. The second essay, written immediately after the global best-seller, Empire, provides a conceptual toolbox, deepening our understanding of the two key concepts of empire and multitude. Time for Revolution explores the burning issue of our times: is there still a place for resistance in a society utterly subsumed by capitalism?