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In this classic text, Rufus M. Jones offers an insightful overview
of Quaker history, beliefs and humanitarianism. The Society of
Friends was founded in the seventeenth century by George Fox, who
could not abide by the teachings of the established Church of
England. Convinced that communicating with Christ need not involve
a qualified clergyman, he founded the Society of Friends. Many
found his approach refreshing, but it also stirred up resentment
and resistance in the established Christian order. A defining
difference between the Quakers and other denominations is the
process by which Friends meet and communicate directly with God.
Such spiritual conversation between adherents was immediately
different from conventional gatherings wherein a preacher offers
the congregation a speech on a given subject. Rufus M. Jones
discusses these topics with maturity and respect, drawing upon the
existing histories and accounts in a manner certain to sustain the
reader's interest.
This volume contributes towards to developments in the study of
religion that illuminate the plural nature of religious change in
modern Britain. It makes a critical intervention in British studies
of religion by bringing the analytical insights of material
culture, to bear on religion in the British World.
Towns have undergone dramatic and rapid change over the last
century. Declining historic cores are surrounded by sprawling
low-density housing, industrial and retail estates. The character
and sense of place at the heart of rural towns and villages is
under threat. By drawing people away from town centres, these
developments erode the sense of community and public life. This
book demonstrates how contemporary architecture, community
engagement and thoughtful urban design can contribute to the
creation of thriving small communities. It addresses a lack of
inspiration and ideas for architects and designers working in small
communities and promotes a character-based approach to designing
and planning 21st century towns.
Volume I of The Official History of the UK Strategic Nuclear
Deterrent provides an authoritative and in-depth examination of the
British government's strategic nuclear policy from 1945 to 1964.
Written with full access to the UK documentary record, this volume
examines how British governments after 1945 tried to build and then
maintain an independent, nationally controlled strategic nuclear
capability, and the debates this provoked in official circles.
Against a background of evolving British ideas about deterrence
during the Cold War, it focuses on the strategic, political and
diplomatic considerations that compelled governments, in the face
of ever-increasing pressures on the defence budget, to persist in
their efforts to develop nuclear weapons and to deploy a credible
nuclear force, as the age of the manned bomber gave way to the
ballistic missile. Particular attention is given to controversies
over the portion of the defence budget devoted to the deterrent
programme, the effects of the restoration of Anglo-American nuclear
collaboration after 1958, increasing reliance on the United States
for nuclear delivery systems, the negotiations that led to the
Nassau Agreement of 1962 and the supply of Polaris, and discussions
within the Western Alliance over the control of nuclear forces. By
the time of the October 1964 election, when this volume concludes,
previous dismissal of the prospects for successful ballistic
missile defence were giving way to growing doubts over the
long-term effectiveness of the Polaris system in its role as an
independent deterrent, several years before it was due to enter
service with the Royal Navy. This book will be of much interest to
students of British politics, Cold War history, nuclear
proliferation and international relations.
Volume II of The Official History of the UK Strategic Nuclear
Deterrent provides an authoritative and in-depth examination of the
British government's strategic nuclear policy from 1964 to 1970.
Written with full access to the UK documentary record, Volume II
examines the controversies that developed over nuclear policy
following the arrival in office of a Labour government led by
Harold Wilson in October 1964 that openly questioned the
independence of the deterrent. Having decided to preserve the
Polaris programme, Labour ministers were nevertheless committed not
to develop another generation of nuclear weapons beyond those in
the pipeline, placing major doubts over the long-term future of the
nuclear programme and collaboration with the United States. Defence
planners also became increasingly concerned that the deployment of
Soviet anti-ballistic missile (ABM) defences around Moscow
threatened to undermine the ability of Polaris to fulfil its role
as a national strategic nuclear deterrent. During 1967, under heavy
pressures to control defence spending, a protracted debate was
conducted within Whitehall over the future of Polaris and how to
respond to the evolving ABM challenge. The volume concludes with
Labour's defeat at the general election of June 1970, by which time
the Royal Navy had assumed the nuclear deterrent role from the RAF,
and plans had already been formulated for a UK project to improve
Polaris which could both ensure its continuing credibility and
rejuvenate the Anglo-American nuclear relationship. This book will
be of much interest to students of British politics, Cold War
history, nuclear proliferation and international relations.
Volume I of The Official History of the UK Strategic Nuclear
Deterrent provides an authoritative and in-depth examination of the
British government's strategic nuclear policy from 1945 to 1964.
Written with full access to the UK documentary record, this volume
examines how British governments after 1945 tried to build and then
maintain an independent, nationally controlled strategic nuclear
capability, and the debates this provoked in official circles.
Against a background of evolving British ideas about deterrence
during the Cold War, it focuses on the strategic, political and
diplomatic considerations that compelled governments, in the face
of ever-increasing pressures on the defence budget, to persist in
their efforts to develop nuclear weapons and to deploy a credible
nuclear force, as the age of the manned bomber gave way to the
ballistic missile. Particular attention is given to controversies
over the portion of the defence budget devoted to the deterrent
programme, the effects of the restoration of Anglo-American nuclear
collaboration after 1958, increasing reliance on the United States
for nuclear delivery systems, the negotiations that led to the
Nassau Agreement of 1962 and the supply of Polaris, and discussions
within the Western Alliance over the control of nuclear forces. By
the time of the October 1964 election, when this volume concludes,
previous dismissal of the prospects for successful ballistic
missile defence were giving way to growing doubts over the
long-term effectiveness of the Polaris system in its role as an
independent deterrent, several years before it was due to enter
service with the Royal Navy. This book will be of much interest to
students of British politics, Cold War history, nuclear
proliferation and international relations.
Volume II of The Official History of the UK Strategic Nuclear
Deterrent provides an authoritative and in-depth examination of the
British government's strategic nuclear policy from 1964 to 1970.
Written with full access to the UK documentary record, Volume II
examines the controversies that developed over nuclear policy
following the arrival in office of a Labour government led by
Harold Wilson in October 1964 that openly questioned the
independence of the deterrent. Having decided to preserve the
Polaris programme, Labour ministers were nevertheless committed not
to develop another generation of nuclear weapons beyond those in
the pipeline, placing major doubts over the long-term future of the
nuclear programme and collaboration with the United States. Defence
planners also became increasingly concerned that the deployment of
Soviet anti-ballistic missile (ABM) defences around Moscow
threatened to undermine the ability of Polaris to fulfil its role
as a national strategic nuclear deterrent. During 1967, under heavy
pressures to control defence spending, a protracted debate was
conducted within Whitehall over the future of Polaris and how to
respond to the evolving ABM challenge. The volume concludes with
Labour's defeat at the general election of June 1970, by which time
the Royal Navy had assumed the nuclear deterrent role from the RAF,
and plans had already been formulated for a UK project to improve
Polaris which could both ensure its continuing credibility and
rejuvenate the Anglo-American nuclear relationship. This book will
be of much interest to students of British politics, Cold War
history, nuclear proliferation and international relations.
The Workbook provides extra language and vocabulary practice that
supports the units of the Student's Book making it ideal for
homework. This version comes with the key. READING/LISTENING - All
Workbook and some Student's Book texts are read aloud on the
accompanying CD - this will provide students with further listening
and pronunciation practice. To provide them with integrated
listening and writing practice there is also a series of dictations
for them to check their understanding. As they are usually working
alone on the Workbook, students will be able to work at their own
pace and practise key language further. TRANSLATION - Student's at
this lower level are given the opportunity to link the language
learnt with their own language. WRITING - Special feature at lower
levels is that all Writing work is contained here, in the back of
the Workbook, covering a wide variety of genres pertinent to
students' every day needs. READING - Each Workbook has a complete
Macmillan Reader for the relevant level at the back of the book
allowing students to naturally expand their language outside of the
everyday classes.
This book is open access and available on
www.bloomsburycollections.com. It is funded by Knowledge Unlatched.
For the last sixty years discussion of 1950s science fiction cinema
has been dominated by claims that the genre reflected US paranoia
about Soviet brainwashing and the nuclear bomb. However, classic
films, such as Invasion of the Body Snatchers (1956) and It Came
from Outer Space (1953), and less familiar productions, such as It!
The Terror from Beyond Space (1958), were regularly exported to
countries across the world. The histories of their encounters with
foreign audiences have not yet been told. Science Fiction Cinema
and 1950s Britain begins this task by recounting the story of 1950s
British cinema-goers and the aliens and monsters they watched on
the silver screen. Drawing on extensive archival research, Matthew
Jones makes an exciting and important intervention by locating
American science fiction films alongside their domestic
counterparts in their British contexts of release and reception. He
offers a radical reassessment of the genre, demonstrating for the
first time that in Britain, which was a significant market for and
producer of science fiction, these films gave voice to different
fears than they did in America. While Americans experienced an
economic boom, low immigration and the conferring of statehood on
Alaska and Hawaii, Britons worried about economic uncertainty, mass
immigration and the dissolution of the Empire. Science Fiction
Cinema and 1950s Britain uses these and other differences between
the British and American experiences of the 1950s to tell a new
history of the decade's science fiction cinema, exploring for the
first time the ways in which the genre came to mean something
unique to Britons.
A wealthy oligarch, a failing business and a man who sacrificed
everything for one final shot at freedom. Â When Danny
accepts a job from wealthy Conrad Szekely to spy on his business
partner, Jerry, he finds himself with a world of trouble. Within
days of Danny’s arrival, the business is destroyed in a
catastrophic fire, which also claims Jerry’s life.  Torn
between conflicting interests, Danny starts to suspect that
Jerry’s business had been anything but straightforward, and finds
himself trapped in a spiral of treachery and lies, which rapidly
begins to degenerate into a cat and mouse chase across the fens.
 With former allies turning violently against him, Danny
tries to solve the mystery that surrounds Jerry’s death. But can
Danny find the answers when those answers themselves prove lethal?
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