![]() |
![]() |
Your cart is empty |
||
Showing 1 - 6 of 6 matches in All Departments
Modern legislators are increasingly motivated to serve their constituents in personal ways. Representatives act like ultimate ombudsmen: they keep in close touch with their constituents and try to cultivate a relationship with them based on service and accessibility. "The Personal Vote" describes the behavior of representatives in the United States and Great Britain and the response of their constituents as well. It shows how congressmen and members of Parliament earn personalized support and how this attenuates their ties to national leaders and parties. The larger significance of this empirical work arises from its implications for the structure of legislative institutions and the nature of legislative action. Personalized electoral support correlates with decentralized governing institutions and special-interest policy making. Such systems tend to inconsistency and stalemate. The United States illustrates a mature case of this development, and Britain is showing the first movements in this direction with the decline of an established two-party system, the rise of a centrist third party, greater volatility in the vote, growing backbench independence and increasing backbench pressure for committees and staff. This book is essential for specialists in American national government, British politics, and comparative legislatures and comparative parties.
American democracy is in many ways more vital than ever before. Advocacy groups proliferate and formerly marginalized groups enjoy new opportunities. But worrisome trends exist. Millions of Americans are drawing back from involvements with community affairs and politics. Voters stay home; public officials grapple with distrust or indifference; and people are less likely to cooperate on behalf of shared goals. Observers across the spectrum of opinion agree that it is vital to determine what is happening and why --so that Americans can take well-informed, effective steps to revitalize our national community. The book opens with an eagle-eye look at the roots of America's special patterns of civic engagement, examining the ways social groups and government and electoral politics have influenced each other. Other chapters examine the impact of advocacy groups and socioeconomic inequalities on democratic processes and probe the influence of long-term social and cultural changes on voluntary associations and civic participation. The book concludes by asking why social liberation has been accompanied by new inequalities and the erosion of many important forms of citizen leverage and participation. Coming together from several disciplines, contributors include Jeffrey M. Berry, Henry E. Brady, John Brehm, Steven Brint, Elisabeth S. Clemens, Peter Dobkin Hall, Wendy M. Rahn, Kay Lehman Schlozman, Sidney Verba, and Robert Wuthnow. Copublished with the Russell Sage Foundation
For two decades, extending from the early 1970s to the early 1990s,
elections to the U.S. House of Representatives were highly
predictable. More than 90 percent of incumbents would seek
reelection and more than 90 percent of those incumbents would
win--by larger vote margins than in earlier decades. The
once-dependable presidential coattail effect diminished, as
one-quarter to one-third of all voters split their tickets,
supporting presidential and House candidates of different parties.
These trends helped the Democrats retain control of the House even
while Republican presidential candidates won five of six elections
beginning in 1968. An era of "incumbency and insulation" seemed
firmly in place.
For two decades, extending from the early 1970s to the early 1990s,
elections to the U.S. House of Representatives were highly
predictable. More than 90 percent of incumbents would seek
reelection and more than 90 percent of those incumbents would
win--by larger vote margins than in earlier decades. The
once-dependable presidential coattail effect diminished, as
one-quarter to one-third of all voters split their tickets,
supporting presidential and House candidates of different parties.
These trends helped the Democrats retain control of the House even
while Republican presidential candidates won five of six elections
beginning in 1968. An era of "incumbency and insulation" seemed
firmly in place.
Red states, blue states . . . are we no longer the United States? Morris P. Fiorina here examines today's party system to reassess arguments about party polarization while offering a cogent overview of the American electorate. Building on the arguments of Fiorina's acclaimed" Culture War? The Myth of a Polarized America," this book explains how contemporary politics differs from that of previous eras and considers what might be done to overcome the unproductive politics of recent decades. Drawing on polling results and other data, Fiorina examines the disconnect between an unrepresentative "political class" and the citizenry it purports to represent, showing how politicians have become more polarized while voters remain moderate; how politicians' rhetoric and activities reflect hot-button issues that are not public priorities; and how politicians' dogmatic, divisive, and uncivil style of "debate" contrasts with the more civil discourse of ordinary Americans, who tend to be more polite and open to compromise than their leaders. "Disconnect" depicts politicians out of touch with the larger public, distorting issues and information to appeal to narrow interest groups. It can help readers better understand the political divide between leaders and the American public--and help steer a course for change.
This highly readable book makes a strong case that a Washington establishment does exist and that members of Congress are responsible for it. Fiorina's description of the self-serving interconnections that have developed between Congress, bureaucrats, and citizens with special interests leads to provocative and disturbing conclusions about the way our political system works. First published in 1977, this greatly enlarged second edition discusses the new developments that have occurred over the past twelve years, provides supportive data through the 1988 election, and reveals Fiorina's current thoughts on Congress and American politics. Reviews of the first edition: "A stimulating indictment of the role of Congress in perpetuating a triangle of self-interest: constituents want benefits at someone else's expense; Congressmen, seeking reelection, try to oblige; bureaucrats want growth for their agencies and accordingly provide favors for Congressmen. The general welfare is ill-served."-Foreign Affairs "A fascinating book . . . on the factors which keep members of Congress in office . . . . A tract that no student of Congress can afford to neglect."-Eric M. Uslaner, American Political Science Review "Written with insight, originality, and verve."-Washington Monthly
|
![]() ![]() You may like...
Gangster - Ware Verhale Van Albei Kante…
Carla van der Spuy
Paperback
We Were Perfect Parents Until We Had…
Vanessa Raphaely, Karin Schimke
Paperback
The Records of Living Officers of the…
Lewis Randolph 1847-1910 Hamersly
Hardcover
R1,016
Discovery Miles 10 160
|