In 2011, the diplomatic and expert consensus was that Bashar al-Asads regime would fail, causing Syria to disintegrate into several ethnic enclaves or mini-states. A decade later and Bashar is still in control, having defeated the rebels and gained the support of Russia. The years of internal warfare have brought about changes in the spectrum of parties involved in the Syrian state, and the final outcome is inevitably going to be shaped by geo-politics. The Alawi minority still in large measure controls the Sunni-Muslim (Arab) majority. The other players are a gallery of ever changing allegiances: ISIS, Jabhat al-Nusra, and many other radical Islamic groups; the Muslim Kurdish and Christian Arab communities; as well as Shii Lebanese Hizballah. External horizon players are Iran; Sunni Turkey and Saudi Arabia; Jewish Israel; the United States and Russia. This study aims to analyze the agendas, actions, and interrelations of these various actors from 2011 until the present. It will discuss their ongoing politics and assess forthcoming developments. Both Iran and Russia continue to support Bashar, but compete for political, military, and economic influence. The US has greatly reduced involvement, keeping only 900 troops in northeastern Syria, to protect its Kurdish allies and fight against ISIS. Turkey still occupies parts of northern Syria, with the aim of eliminating the Kurdish forces. Syrian and Russian military attempts to conquer this area continue sporadically. The Israeli air force has attacked Iranian and Hizballah positions with the tacit approval of Russia. However, Russias war on Ukraine in February 2022 may result in restricting Israeli interdictions and instead enhance cooperation with Tehran in order to counter the US and NATO. Both Russia and Iran have been incapable of reconstructing the massively destroyed Syrian infrastructure; the US and Europe are reluctant to contribute due to Bashars continued Alawi minority-based autocratic and corrupt rule.

One of the most striking recent developments in the modern Middle East has been the transformation of Syria under Hafez al-Assad from a weak, vulnerable and internally divided state to a leading regional power. While this is increasingly acknowledged by observers of the Middle Eastern scene , the scholarly discussion of the origins, the scope, the durability and the implications of this change is only beginning to take place. Syria Under Assad addresses itself to this discussion. Based on a carefully selected collection of original articles, this volume focuses on the elements of Syria's power, on Syria's relations with each of its neighbours as well as on Syria's relations with the superpowers. In the final analysis, conclude the editors, Syrian policies appear paradoxical. Its conduct ever since the advent of Hafez al-Assad exhibits subtle and hard-nosed pragmatism. Yet, in order to consolidate the domestic legitimacy of the Alawi Ba'athist regime, Syria has been impelled to articulate its foreign policy goals in the far-flung rhetoric of the Ba'athist ideology. As a result Syria is widely perceived of as a menace and, treated as such, it often responds in kind.

One of the most striking recent developments in the modern Middle East has been the transformation of Syria under Hafez al-Assad from a weak, vulnerable and internally divided state to a leading regional power. While this is increasingly acknowledged by observers of the Middle Eastern scene , the scholarly discussion of the origins, the scope, the durability and the implications of this change is only beginning to take place. Syria Under Assad addresses itself to this discussion. Based on a carefully selected collection of original articles, this volume focuses on the elements of Syria's power, on Syria's relations with each of its neighbours as well as on Syria's relations with the superpowers. In the final analysis, conclude the editors, Syrian policies appear paradoxical. Its conduct ever since the advent of Hafez al-Assad exhibits subtle and hard-nosed pragmatism. Yet, in order to consolidate the domestic legitimacy of the Alawi Ba'athist regime, Syria has been impelled to articulate its foreign policy goals in the far-flung rhetoric of the Ba'athist ideology. As a result Syria is widely perceived of as a menace and, treated as such, it often responds in kind.

Jews, Muslims and Jerusalem: Disputes and Dialogues examines MuslimJewish relations during significant periods of history in the Middle East, Asia and Africa. A deep concern in the Muslim Arab world concerns the status of the Al-Aqsa Mosque and Dome of the Rock. Israels continued occupation of the West Bank since 1967, and its control of East Jerusalem, has reinforced anti-Jewish (Judeophobia) and anti-Israel movements. The most prominent are the Hamas, the Liberation Party (tahrir), the Islamic Jihad, Hizbullah, the Islamic rulers in Iran, and recently Turkey. Conversely, amongst Jews in Israel and the Diaspora (and amongst many Christians) the last decades have witnessed a rise in extreme Islamophobia in reaction to Arab terrorist attacks, and out of a religious-cultural prejudice against Muslims. Spearheading these trends are members of the Jewish underground, Gush Emunim, Loyalists of the Temple Mount, Holy Temple organizations, and members of the religious Zionist and political movements, the Bayit Yehudi Party and Likud Party. It is noteworthy that there are numerous proactive movements for coexistence and peace amongst Jews and Muslims in Israel and throughout the world, and in that prevailing spirit dozens of ongoing religious and cultural dialogues are maintained. These interactions, and the political and economic engagement at state level, are distinguished by ambivalence given not only the historical record but through contemporary zealotary by hardliners. The US, the UN and the EU have tried to mediate, but to no avail. President Trumps Deal of the Century has abandoned Washingtons neutrality. PM Netanyahu promotes Israeli sovereignty over Jerusalem. This book is the most comprehensive, integrated and updated study on these formidable issues. Given the increasingly volatile language by hardline players the Middle East is at a point of critical historical change: Is it to be a political settlement via dialogue or a downward spiral to a dispute that in an age of offensive weaponry available to all parties can only have dire consequences.

Jews, Muslims and Jerusalem: Disputes and Dialogues examines MuslimJewish relations during significant periods of history in the Middle East, Asia and Africa. A deep concern in the Muslim Arab world concerns the status of the Al-Aqsa Mosque and Dome of the Rock. Israels continued occupation of the West Bank since 1967, and its control of East Jerusalem, has reinforced anti-Jewish (Judeophobia) and anti-Israel movements. The most prominent are the Hamas, the Liberation Party (tahrir), the Islamic Jihad, Hizbullah, the Islamic rulers in Iran, and recently Turkey. Conversely, amongst Jews in Israel and the Diaspora (and amongst many Christians) the last decades have witnessed a rise in extreme Islamophobia in reaction to Arab terrorist attacks, and out of a religious-cultural prejudice against Muslims. Spearheading these trends are members of the Jewish underground, Gush Emunim, Loyalists of the Temple Mount, Holy Temple organizations, and members of the religious Zionist and political movements, the Bayit Yehudi Party and Likud Party. It is noteworthy that there are numerous proactive movements for coexistence and peace amongst Jews and Muslims in Israel and throughout the world, and in that prevailing spirit dozens of ongoing religious and cultural dialogues are maintained. These interactions, and the political and economic engagement at state level, are distinguished by ambivalence given not only the historical record but through contemporary zealotary by hardliners. The US, the UN and the EU have tried to mediate, but to no avail. President Trumps Deal of the Century has abandoned Washingtons neutrality. PM Netanyahu promotes Israeli sovereignty over Jerusalem. This book is the most comprehensive, integrated and updated study on these formidable issues. Given the increasingly volatile language by hardline players the Middle East is at a point of critical historical change: Is it to be a political settlement via dialogue or a downward spiral to a dispute that in an age of offensive weaponry available to all parties can only have dire consequences.

The West Bank has for generations been the core area of the Palestinian-Arab community and of its national movement. Since 1967, it has become the main area of confrontation in the prolonged conflict between Palestinian-Arab and Jewish-Zionist nationalism. The Palestinian armed organization, the PLO - which has undertaken to lead the nationalist struggle of their people - was for long periods unable to operate on the West Bank because of strict security measures taken by the Jordanian and Israeli governments respectively. Consequently, the Palestinian mayors in the West Bank, who under Jordanian rule (1948-1967) had served as ruling instruments of the government, gradually became under Israeli control the political spokesmen of their communities. This book, first published in 1984, examines this remarkable change in the role of the West Bank Palestinian mayors, and their transformation since the early 1970s from conservative-moderate figures into radical-nationalist leaders. Against the background of the developing Palestinian and Israeli militant nationalism in the West Bank, the study analyses the complex relations between these new leaders and the governments of Israel and Jordan as well as the PLO command, until their final eviction by Israel in 1982.

The West Bank has for generations been the core area of the Palestinian-Arab community and of its national movement. Since 1967, it has become the main area of confrontation in the prolonged conflict between Palestinian-Arab and Jewish-Zionist nationalism. The Palestinian armed organization, the PLO - which has undertaken to lead the nationalist struggle of their people - was for long periods unable to operate on the West Bank because of strict security measures taken by the Jordanian and Israeli governments respectively. Consequently, the Palestinian mayors in the West Bank, who under Jordanian rule (1948-1967) had served as ruling instruments of the government, gradually became under Israeli control the political spokesmen of their communities. This book, first published in 1984, examines this remarkable change in the role of the West Bank Palestinian mayors, and their transformation since the early 1970s from conservative-moderate figures into radical-nationalist leaders. Against the background of the developing Palestinian and Israeli militant nationalism in the West Bank, the study analyses the complex relations between these new leaders and the governments of Israel and Jordan as well as the PLO command, until their final eviction by Israel in 1982.

Manifestations of hatred of Jews and Israel have risen over the last few decades in the Arab and Muslim world. This hatred is demonstrated in many ways -- from propaganda to terrorism. But is such hatred the result of Islamic anti-Semitism, as widely claimed? Or does it have other roots and reasons? This book sets the record straight by explaining that while anti-Semitism is the credo of fanatic groups and regimes, such an attitude is not representative of traditional and contemporary Islam. For centuries Muslim attitudes to Jews were ambivalent: contempt and antagonism alongside tolerance and cooperation. In fact Jews under Islam were better off than their Christian neighbours, and much better off than their Jewish brethren under Christianity. A similar pattern of relations has developed over the last several decades between Muslim nations and the Jewish state of Israel: hostility and violence, mostly by Muslim Arabs, but also dialogue and cooperation by and with many other Muslims. These complex relations are discussed here by Muslim and Jewish scholars -- from Azerbaijan, Egypt, India, Indonesia, Israel, Jordan, Pakistan, Palestine, the USA and Turkey -- who analyze the religious, cultural, political and economic factors that have shaped Muslim attitudes to Jews and Israel. Ideas and suggestions are put forward to improve MuslimJewish relations -- the theme of which was first conceived at an international conference organized by the Weatherhead Center for International Affairs, and the Divinity School, Harvard University.

Manifestations of hatred of Jews and Israel have risen over the last few decades in the Arab and Muslim world. This hatred is demonstrated in many ways -- from propaganda to terrorism. But is such hatred the result of Islamic anti-Semitism, as widely claimed? Or does it have other roots and reasons? This book sets the record straight by explaining that while anti-Semitism is the credo of fanatic groups and regimes, such an attitude is not representative of traditional and contemporary Islam. For centuries Muslim attitudes to Jews were ambivalent: contempt and antagonism alongside tolerance and co-operation. In fact Jews under Islam were better off than their Christian neighbours, and much better off than their Jewish brethren under Christianity. A similar pattern of relations has developed over the last several decades between Muslim nations and the Jewish state of Israel: hostility and violence, mostly by Muslim Arabs, but also dialogue and co-operation by and with many other Muslims. These complex relations are discussed here by Muslim and Jewish scholars -- from Azerbaijan, Egypt, India, Israel, Jordan, Pakistan, the USA, Palestine and Turkey -- who analyse the religious, cultural, political and economic factors that have shaped Muslim attitudes to Jews and Israel. Ideas and suggestions are put forward to improve Muslim-Jewish relations -- the theme of which was first conceived at an international conference organised by the Weatherhead Center for International Affairs, and the Divinity School, Harvard University.

The horrific acts of anti-Western and anti-Jewish terrorism carried out by Muslim fanatics during the last decades have been labelled by politicians, religious leaders and scholars as a "Clash of Civilizations". However, as the contributors to this book set out to explain, these acts cannot be considered an Islamic onslaught on Judeo-Christian Civilisation. While the hostile ideas, words and deeds perpetrated by individual supporters among the three monotheistic civilisations cannot be ignored, history has demonstrated a more positive, constructive, albeit complex, relationship among Muslim, Christians and Jews during medieval and modern times. For long periods of time they shared divine and human values, co-operated in cultural, economic and political fields, and influenced one another's thinking. This book examines religious and historical themes of these three civilising religions, the impact of education on their interrelationship, the problem of Jerusalem, as well as contemporary interfaith relations. Noted scholars and theologians -- Jewish, Christian and Muslim -- from the United States, Canada, Egypt, Indonesia, Israel, Pakistan, Palestine and Turkey contribute to this book, the theme of which was first presented at an international conference organised by the Weatherhead Center for International Affairs, and the Divinity School, Harvard University.

The horrific acts of anti-Western and anti-Jewish terrorism carried out by Muslim fanatics during the last decades have been labelled by politicians, religious leaders and scholars as a "Clash of Civilizations". However, as the contributors to this book set out to explain, these acts cannot be considered an Islamic onslaught on Judeo-Christian Civilisation. While the hostile ideas, words and deeds perpetrated by individual supporters among the three monotheistic civilisations cannot be ignored, history has demonstrated a more positive, constructive, albeit complex, relationship among Muslim, Christians and Jews during medieval and modern times. For long periods of time they shared divine and human values, co-operated in cultural, economic and political fields, and influenced one another's thinking. This book examines religious and historical themes of these three civilising religions, the impact of education on their interrelationship, the problem of Jerusalem, as well as contemporary interfaith relations. Noted scholars and theologians -- Jewish, Christian and Muslim -- from the United States, Canada, Egypt, Indonesia, Israel, Pakistan, Palestine and Turkey contribute to this book, the theme of which was first presented at an international conference organised by the Weatherhead Center for International Affairs, and the Divinity School, Harvard University.

The Arab countries and the Arab Middle East have been projected as homogeneous and united social and political entities. Yet beneath the surface, ethnic tensions and conflicts simmer. Some of these conflicts are well known and the issues arising therefrom are part of the regular diet of news. Other tensions involving ethnic minorities and ethnic diasporas are less well known. But they are no less problematic for regional actors. Particularly so since they are not only influenced by global developments, but they also significantly influence political, economic, cultural and ideological regional and intrastate developments. ... The purpose of this book is to highlight the factors, forces, and circumstances that affect inter-communal relations in the region, and point toward strategies and circumstances that promote or hinder coexistence and integration, or antagonism. By studying diasporas in the Middle East in terms of their significant regional factors in relation to the Middle Eastern diaspora worldwide, this book makes an important and unique contribution to linking the study of Middle Eastern diasporas to the general new field of diasporic studies.

This book, the third in the series Studies in Peace Politics in the Middle East, is an expert assessment on what went wrong with the Oslo peace process - a process that began in euphoria and degenerated into disaster. The contributors provide a wide-ranging, albeit very different, retrospective of the pursuit of Israeli-Palestinian peace, and analysis of how negotiations should best proceed from here on. Contributors include: Mustafa Abu Sway, Professor and Director of the Islamic Research Center, Al Quds University, an eminent authority on the Islamic position on the Arab-Israeli conflict; Yossi Ben-Aharon, an Israeli ambassador and former Deputy Director General of the Foreign Ministry; Abraham Diskin, former Chairman of the Political Science Department at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and advisor to several Israeli prime ministers, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the Knesset; Manuel Hassassian, Professor of International Relations and Executive Vice-President of Bethlehem

A collection of essays exploring the modern history of Middle East societies by looking at the interaction between the internal history of ideas and the social transformation of local elites under Western impact.

The signing of the September 1993 Israel-PLO agreement, one of the twentieth century's most dramatic political events, coincided almost to the day with the twentieth anniversary of the October 1973 war. While the precise timing was coincidental, the relationship between the two events is crucial. The 1973 war ironically marked the beginning of an era in which a long diplomatic effort could finally bridge the passionately intense Arab-Israeli conflict.

"From War to Peace" reveals new first-hand material gleaned through personal involvement at a high political level. It examines the initial warfare, the peace process, and the final breakthrough through the eyes of participants and close observers of these events and reveals the diplomatic and military stratagems they pursued. The contributors explore a number of controversial issues, including whether the 1973 war was avoidable, why peace could not have been concluded sooner, and how the chief parties have changed during this period. The book also looks to the future, explaining Israel and PLO strategies, U.S. and Russian involvement, and the potential for broadening the peace to include additional Arab states.

This book relates the history of the relations between Israel and Syria throughout the Middle East conflict. Drawing on original sources, it looks at factors which influenced their relations, the regional and global ramifications of their interactions, and the influence of domestic policies.