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Several factors impact a developing nation's ability to manage
its political and related security affairs. Thailand's search for
national security is used to illustrate factors that underlie the
security fabric of developing states. The author relates the state
to the international environment as well as to substate elements,
and analyzes the role of intra-country conflict in explaining the
state's vulnerability to external intervention.
The March 2000 presidential election was an important milestone in
the democratic development of Taiwan, with the Kuomintang turned
out of power after five decades of control and replaced by the
Democratic Progressive Party. This book address the variety of
effects that Taiwan's democratic development and the election will
have on domestic policy in the region. Part one looks at trends and
changes in Taiwan's politics and analyzes the outcome of the March
2000 election. The chapters in part two discuss the international
implications of Taiwan's democratic evolution for a variety of
issues, including political, economic and security relations on
both sides of the Taiwan strait; Japan's foreign policy in the
region; U.S. foreign policy in the region; and peace and security
in Southeast Asia. The challenges and prospects for continued
democratic consolidation and the implications and lessons for the
PRC and Southeast Asia are also explored.
The Long Shadow is the first comprehensive, systematic examination
of the roles and implications of nuclear weapons in the
dramatically different post-Cold War security environment. Leading
experts investigate the roles and salience of nuclear weapons in
the national security strategies of twelve countries and the ASEAN
states, and their implications for security and stability in a
broadly defined Asian security region that includes the Middle
East. The study also investigates the prospects for nuclear
terrorism in Asia. A chief conclusion of the study is that nuclear
weapons influence national security strategies in fundamental ways
and that deterrence continues to be the dominant role and strategy
for the employment of nuclear weapons. Offensive and defensive
strategies may increase in salience but will not surpass the
deterrence function. Another major conclusion is that although
there could be destabilizing situations, on balance, nuclear
weapons have reinforced security and stability in the Asian
security region by assuaging national security concerns,
strengthening deterrence and the status quo, and preventing the
outbreak and escalation of major hostilities. As nuclear weapons
will persist and cast a long shadow on security in Asia and the
world, it is important to reexamine and redefine "old" ideas,
concepts, and strategies as well as develop "new" ones relevant to
the contemporary era. In line with this, the global nuclear order
should be constructed anew based on present realities.
The Long Shadow is the first comprehensive, systematic examination
of the roles and implications of nuclear weapons in the
dramatically different post-Cold War security environment. Leading
experts investigate the roles and salience of nuclear weapons in
the national security strategies of twelve countries and the ASEAN
states, and their implications for security and stability in a
broadly defined Asian security region that includes the Middle
East. The study also investigates the prospects for nuclear
terrorism in Asia. A chief conclusion of the study is that nuclear
weapons influence national security strategies in fundamental ways
and that deterrence continues to be the dominant role and strategy
for the employment of nuclear weapons. Offensive and defensive
strategies may increase in salience but will not surpass the
deterrence function. Another major conclusion is that although
there could be destabilizing situations, on balance, nuclear
weapons have reinforced security and stability in the Asian
security region by assuaging national security concerns,
strengthening deterrence and the status quo, and preventing the
outbreak and escalation of major hostilities. As nuclear weapons
will persist and cast a long shadow on security in Asia and the
world, it is important to reexamine and redefine "old" ideas,
concepts, and strategies as well as develop "new" ones relevant to
the contemporary era. In line with this, the global nuclear order
should be constructed anew based on present realities.
More than a decade has passed since the end of the Cold War, but
Asia still faces serious security challenges. These include the
current security environment in the Korean peninsula, across the
Taiwan Strait, and over Kashmir, the danger of nuclear and missile
proliferation, and the concern with the rising power of China and
with American dominance. Indeed, some experts see Asia as a
dangerous and unstable place. Alagappa disagrees, maintaining that
Asia is a far more stable, predictable, and prosperous region than
it was in the postindependence period. This volume also takes
account of the changed security environment in Asia since September
11, 2001.
Unlike many areas-studies approaches, Alagappa's work makes a
strong case for taking regional politics and security dynamics
seriously from both theoretical and empirical approaches. The first
part of this volume develops an analytical framework for the study
of order; the salience of the different pathways to order is
examined in the second part; the third investigates the management
of specific security issues; and the final part discusses the
nature of security order in Asia.
More than a decade has passed since the end of the Cold War, but
Asia still faces serious security challenges. These include the
current security environment in the Korean peninsula, across the
Taiwan Strait, and over Kashmir, the danger of nuclear and missile
proliferation, and the concern with the rising power of China and
with American dominance. Indeed, some experts see Asia as a
dangerous and unstable place. Alagappa disagrees, maintaining that
Asia is a far more stable, predictable, and prosperous region than
it was in the postindependence period. This volume also takes
account of the changed security environment in Asia since September
11, 2001.
Unlike many areas-studies approaches, Alagappa's work makes a
strong case for taking regional politics and security dynamics
seriously from both theoretical and empirical approaches. The first
part of this volume develops an analytical framework for the study
of order; the salience of the different pathways to order is
examined in the second part; the third investigates the management
of specific security issues; and the final part discusses the
nature of security order in Asia.
This far-ranging volume offers both a broad overview of the role of
the military in contemporary Asia and a close look at the state of
civil-military relations in sixteen Asian countries. It provides
in-depth discussion of civil-military relations in countries where
the military still continues to dominate the political helm as well
as others where, in varying degrees, the military is disengaging
from politics. Conceptually, the study connects the explanation for
the changing relationship of the military to the state to the
processes associated with the construction of nation, state, and
political system, as well as the development of state capacity,
economic growth, and change in the international system.
The book argues that the key to understanding civil-military
relations in Asia and elsewhere is the role of coercion, in state
and nation building and in the exercise of political authority. As
coercion in these processes increases or decreases, so does the
political power and influence of the military. Civilian supremacy
requires superior political, ideational, moral, and economic power
translated into strong institutions that can regulate the military
and limit its role in governance.
A key finding of the volume is that, overall, the political power
and influence of the military in Asia, though still considerable in
some countries, is on the decline. At present only Burma and
Pakistan are under military rule, though the military is the
central pillar of the totalitarian regime in North Korea. The
number of Asian countries under civilian rule has increased
dramatically. However, the relationship between the state and the
soldier is not a settled issue, and in democratizing countries,
civil-military relations is still a contested domain that is being
redefined incrementally, often through struggle. The study
concludes that, in the long term, the power of the military will
continue to decline, and that the growing dominance of democratic
civilian control in Asia is likely to endure.
Despite the end of the Cold War, security continues to be a
critical concern of Asian states. Allocations of state revenues to
the security sector continue to be substantial and have, in fact,
increased in several countries. As Asian nations construct a new
security architecture for the Asia-Pacific region, Asian security
has received increased attention by the scholarly community. But
most of that scholarship has focused on specific issues or selected
countries. This book aims to lay the groundwork for a
comprehensive, in-depth understanding of Asian security by
investigating conceptions of security in sixteen Asian countries.
The book undertakes an ethnographic, country-by-country study of
how Asian states conceive of their security. For each country, it
identifies and explains the security concerns and behavior of
central decision makers, asking who or what is to be protected,
against what potential threats, and how security policies have
changed over time. This inside-out or bottom-up approach
facilitates both identification of similarities and differences in
the security thinking and practice of Asian countries and
exploration of their consequences. The crucial insights into the
dynamics of international security in the region provided by this
approach can form the basis for further inquiry, including debates
about the future of the region.
The book is in three parts. Part I critically reviews and appraises
the debate over defining security and provides a historical
overview of international politics in Asia. Part II investigates
security practices in sixteen Asian countries, the countries
selected and grouped on the basis of security independence. Based
on the findings of the country studies and drawing on other
published works, Part III compares the national practices with a
view to identifying and explaining key characteristics of Asian
security practice and conceptualization on the basis of the Asian
experiences.
Despite the end of the Cold War, security continues to be a
critical concern of Asian states. Allocations of state revenues to
the security sector continue to be substantial and have, in fact,
increased in several countries. As Asian nations construct a new
security architecture for the Asia-Pacific region, Asian security
has received increased attention by the scholarly community. But
most of that scholarship has focused on specific issues or selected
countries. This book aims to lay the groundwork for a
comprehensive, in-depth understanding of Asian security by
investigating conceptions of security in sixteen Asian countries.
The book undertakes an ethnographic, country-by-country study of
how Asian states conceive of their security. For each country, it
identifies and explains the security concerns and behavior of
central decision makers, asking who or what is to be protected,
against what potential threats, and how security policies have
changed over time. This inside-out or bottom-up approach
facilitates both identification of similarities and differences in
the security thinking and practice of Asian countries and
exploration of their consequences. The crucial insights into the
dynamics of international security in the region provided by this
approach can form the basis for further inquiry, including debates
about the future of the region.
The book is in three parts. Part I critically reviews and appraises
the debate over defining security and provides a historical
overview of international politics in Asia. Part II investigates
security practices in sixteen Asian countries, the countries
selected and grouped on the basis of security independence. Based
on the findings of the country studies and drawing on other
published works, Part III compares the national practices with a
view to identifying and explaining key characteristics of Asian
security practice and conceptualization on the basis of the Asian
experiences.
This book is the first comprehensive, systematic investigation of
the connection between civil society and political change in Asia -
change toward open, participatory, and accountable politics. Its
findings suggest that the link between a vibrant civil society and
democracy is indeterminate: Certain types of civil society
organizations support democracy, but others have the potential to
undermine it. Further, the study argues that while civil society is
a key factor in political change, democratic transition and
consolidation hinge on the development of effective political
parties, legislatures, and state institutions. Rooted in a common
definition of civil society, a strong analytical framework, and
rich empirical material, the analyses and conclusions of the book
will have a lasting impact on the understanding of civil society
and its relation to democracy in Asia and around the world.
This far-ranging volume offers both a broad overview of the role of
the military in contemporary Asia and a close look at the state of
civil-military relations in sixteen Asian countries. It provides
in-depth discussion of civil-military relations in countries where
the military still continues to dominate the political helm as well
as others where, in varying degrees, the military is disengaging
from politics. Conceptually, the study connects the explanation for
the changing relationship of the military to the state to the
processes associated with the construction of nation, state, and
political system, as well as the development of state capacity,
economic growth, and change in the international system.
The book argues that the key to understanding civil-military
relations in Asia and elsewhere is the role of coercion, in state
and nation building and in the exercise of political authority. As
coercion in these processes increases or decreases, so does the
political power and influence of the military. Civilian supremacy
requires superior political, ideational, moral, and economic power
translated into strong institutions that can regulate the military
and limit its role in governance.
A key finding of the volume is that, overall, the political power
and influence of the military in Asia, though still considerable in
some countries, is on the decline. At present only Burma and
Pakistan are under military rule, though the military is the
central pillar of the totalitarian regime in North Korea. The
number of Asian countries under civilian rule has increased
dramatically. However, the relationship between the state and the
soldier is not a settled issue, and in democratizing countries,
civil-military relations is still a contested domain that is being
redefined incrementally, often through struggle. The study
concludes that, in the long term, the power of the military will
continue to decline, and that the growing dominance of democratic
civilian control in Asia is likely to endure.
Despite the end of the Cold War, security continues to be a
critical concern of Asian states. Allocations of state revenues to
the security sector continue to be substantial and have, in fact,
increased in several countries. As Asian nations construct a new
security architecture for the Asia-Pacific region, Asian security
has received increased attention by the scholarly community. But
most of that scholarship has focused on specific issues or selected
countries. This book aims to lay the groundwork for a
comprehensive, in-depth understanding of Asian security by
investigating conceptions of security in sixteen Asian countries.
The book undertakes an ethnographic, country-by-country study of
how Asian states conceive of their security. For each country, it
identifies and explains the security concerns and behavior of
central decision makers, asking who or what is to be protected,
against what potential threats, and how security policies have
changed over time. This inside-out or bottom-up approach
facilitates both identification of similarities and differences in
the security thinking and practice of Asian countries and
exploration of their consequences. The crucial insights into the
dynamics of international security in the region provided by this
approach can form the basis for further inquiry, including debates
about the future of the region.
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