Each chapter is written in accessible language and will contain minimal tables, graphs, and figures – therefore, this volume should also be of interest to non-academic readers, the media, and to practitioners who are involved in various aspects of American politics. This edition includes chapters on salient topics such as reproductive justice, queer of color politics, and social movements. Features original authors as well as other notable and up and coming scholars in our field in order to represent the diverse and innovative scholarship being conducted in our field. The book is clearly well-written and easy for undergraduate and postgraduate students to read and follow. The incorporation of intersectionality stands out from other books on gender and politics because it doesn’t only focus on gender. Black feminism and intersectionality in particular are theoretical frameworks that other scholars across the globe use to study minoritized women’s politics in their localized context, we expect the theories and frameworks used in studies of international scholars will draw from this text.

"They don't think I'm viable, because I'm a Black woman with natural hair and no husband." This comment was made by Stacey Abrams shortly before the 2018 Democratic primary after she became the first Black woman to win a majory party's nomination for governor. Abrams' sentiment reflects the wider environment for Black women in politics, in which racist and sexist cultural ideas have long led Black women to be demeaned and fetishized for their physical appearance. In Sister Style, Nadia E. Brown and Danielle Casarez Lemi argue that Black women's political experience and the way that voters evaluate them is shaped overtly by their skin tone and hair texture, with hair being a particular point of scrutiny. They ask what the politics of appearance for Black women mean for Black women politicians and Black voters, and how expectations about self-presentation differ for Black women versus Black men, White men, and White women. Black women running for office face pressure, often from campaign consultants and even close colleagues, to change their style in order to look more like White women. However, as this book shows, Black women candidates and elected officials react differently to these pressures depending on factors like age and incumbency. Moreover, Brown and Lemi delve into the ways in which Black voters react to Black female candidates based on appearance. They base their argument, in part, on focus groups with Black women candidates and elected officials, and show that there are generational differences that determine what sorts of styles Black women choose to adopt and to what extent they change their physical appearance based on external expectations.

Each chapter is written in accessible language and will contain minimal tables, graphs, and figures – therefore, this volume should also be of interest to non-academic readers, the media, and to practitioners who are involved in various aspects of American politics. This edition includes chapters on salient topics such as reproductive justice, queer of color politics, and social movements. Features original authors as well as other notable and up and coming scholars in our field in order to represent the diverse and innovative scholarship being conducted in our field. The book is clearly well-written and easy for undergraduate and postgraduate students to read and follow. The incorporation of intersectionality stands out from other books on gender and politics because it doesn’t only focus on gender. Black feminism and intersectionality in particular are theoretical frameworks that other scholars across the globe use to study minoritized women’s politics in their localized context, we expect the theories and frameworks used in studies of international scholars will draw from this text.

This volume presents a detailed and in-depth examination of women of color political elites in the United States in varying levels of office and non-elected positions. Through innovative data, novel theoretical frameworks, and compelling arguments, the chapters in this book explore how women of color political elites are changing, challenging, or upending the status quo in American politics. Beyond an additive approach of either race or gender the authors in this volume employ an intersectional lens to explore the complexities of governing, running for office, and adjudicating in a diversifying America. This book will be of great value to upper-level students, researchers, and academics of political science interested in women’s and gender studies, political leadership as well as race and ethnic studies. The chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of Journal of Women, Politics, and Policy.

This book focuses on women of color political elites in the United States in varying levels of office and non-elected positions. In recent years increased attention has been paid to the role that women of color play in U.S. politics. These actors bring different priorities to office and also have to navigate not only sexism, but also barriers due to their racial or ethnic identity among other politically salient identities such as sexual orientation, nativity, immigration status, religiosity and ability. The chapters in this volume employ a variety of methods better understand to how ethno-racial minority women navigate the U.S. political system. This book uses an intersectional approach to understanding the opportunities and challenges that women of color political elites face in American politics. The chapters in this book were originally published as a special issue of the Journal of Women, Politics, and Policy.

The politics of the body is often highly contested, culturally specific, and controlled, and this book calls our attention to how bodies are included or excluded in the polity. With governments regulating bodies in ways that mark the political boundaries of who is a citizen, worthy of protection and rights, as well as those who transgress socially proscribed norms, the contributors to this volume offer a systematic investigation of both theoretical and empirical account of bodily differences broadly defined. These chapters, diverse in both the populations and the political behaviours examined, as well as the methodological approaches employed, showcase the significance of body politics in a way few edited works in political science currently do. Arguing that the body is an important site to understand power relations, this book will be of interest to those studying the unequal application of rights to women, racial and ethnic minorities, the LGBTQ community, and people with disabilities. This book was originally published as a special issue of Politics, Groups, and Identities.

This collection provides a deep engagement with the political implication of Black Lives Matter. This book covers a broad range of topics using a variety of methods and epistemological approaches. In the twenty-first century, the killings of Black Americans have sparked a movement to end the brutality against Black bodies. In 2013, #BlackLivesMatter would become a movement-building project led by Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors, and Opal Tometi. This movement began after the acquittal of George Zimmerman, who murdered 17-year-old Trayvon Martin. The movement has continued to fight for racial justice and has experienced a resurgence following the 2020 slayings of Ahmaud Arbery, George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Sean Reed, Tony McDade, and David McAtee among others. The continued protests raise questions about how we can end this vicious cycle and lead Blacks to a state of normalcy in the United States. In other words, how can we make any advances made by Black Lives Matter stick? The chapters in this book were originally published in the journal Politics, Groups, and Identities.

This collection provides a deep engagement with the political implication of Black Lives Matter. This book covers a broad range of topics using a variety of methods and epistemological approaches. In the twenty-first century, the killings of Black Americans have sparked a movement to end the brutality against Black bodies. In 2013, #BlackLivesMatter would become a movement-building project led by Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors, and Opal Tometi. This movement began after the acquittal of George Zimmerman, who murdered 17-year-old Trayvon Martin. The movement has continued to fight for racial justice and has experienced a resurgence following the 2020 slayings of Ahmaud Arbery, George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Sean Reed, Tony McDade, and David McAtee among others. The continued protests raise questions about how we can end this vicious cycle and lead Blacks to a state of normalcy in the United States. In other words, how can we make any advances made by Black Lives Matter stick? The chapters in this book were originally published in the journal Politics, Groups, and Identities.

The politics of the body is often highly contested, culturally specific, and controlled, and this book calls our attention to how bodies are included or excluded in the polity. With governments regulating bodies in ways that mark the political boundaries of who is a citizen, worthy of protection and rights, as well as those who transgress socially proscribed norms, the contributors to this volume offer a systematic investigation of both theoretical and empirical account of bodily differences broadly defined. These chapters, diverse in both the populations and the political behaviours examined, as well as the methodological approaches employed, showcase the significance of body politics in a way few edited works in political science currently do. Arguing that the body is an important site to understand power relations, this book will be of interest to those studying the unequal application of rights to women, racial and ethnic minorities, the LGBTQ community, and people with disabilities. This book was originally published as a special issue of Politics, Groups, and Identities.

"They don't think I'm viable, because I'm a Black woman with natural hair and no husband." This comment was made by Stacey Abrams shortly before the 2018 Democratic primary after she became the first Black woman to win a majory party's nomination for governor. Abrams' sentiment reflects the wider environment for Black women in politics, in which racist and sexist cultural ideas have long led Black women to be demeaned and fetishized for their physical appearance. In Sister Style, Nadia E. Brown and Danielle Casarez Lemi argue that Black women's political experience and the way that voters evaluate them is shaped overtly by their skin tone and hair texture, with hair being a particular point of scrutiny. They ask what the politics of appearance for Black women mean for Black women politicians and Black voters, and how expectations about self-presentation differ for Black women versus Black men, White men, and White women. Black women running for office face pressure, often from campaign consultants and even close colleagues, to change their style in order to look more like White women. However, as this book shows, Black women candidates and elected officials react differently to these pressures depending on factors like age and incumbency. Moreover, Brown and Lemi delve into the ways in which Black voters react to Black female candidates based on appearance. They base their argument, in part, on focus groups with Black women candidates and elected officials, and show that there are generational differences that determine what sorts of styles Black women choose to adopt and to what extent they change their physical appearance based on external expectations.