Laham analyzes perhaps the most politically controversial element of Reagan's conservative agenda, involving his attempt to curtail federal enforcement of civil rights laws. The book focuses on the major initiatives Reagan pursued in his attempt to curb enforcement of those laws: first, his efforts to reform affirmative action by prohibiting mandatory employer use of minority and white female hiring goals, and second, his veto of the Civil Rights Restoration Act. Reagan's academic critics argue that the president was politically motivated in his efforts to curtail federal enforcement of civil rights laws by his desire to appeal for the support of working-class whites, many of whom harbor racial resentments against minorities. Reagan's historical reputation suffers from his attempt to curb enforcement of those laws, which has fostered charges by his critics that he was cynical and manipulative, though outwardly pleasant and likable; a president who shamelessley played the race card for his own political gain. Laham challenges the conventional notion that Reagan was an ardent practitioner of the politics of racial division. Rather, he argues that Reagan's civil rights policy was determined by his philosophical commitment to colorblind justice and limited government, two core principles of his conservative agenda. This is a controversial survey important to students and scholars of contemporary American politics, public policy, and race relations.

The AWACS debate represents one of the most critical and controversial events in the history of American diplomacy and legislative politics. It locked the Reagan administration and opponents of the AWACS sale in a fierce and pitched battle over American policy in the most economically and strategically vital region in the world: the Middle East.

Accordingly, Laham finds there are at least five political lessons to be drawn from the debate. First, contrary to the arguments of its critics in Congress, the pro-Israel lobby does not control American policy in the Middle East. Second, the Senate tends to defer to the authority of the president on matters of foreign policy and national security. Third, while remaining a passive president overall, Reagan was among the most active of chief executives on issues involving the economy and national security. Fourth, given the enormous contribution the AWACS sale made to the vital economic and national security interests of the United States, Reagan's masterful handling of this politically explosive issue provides evidence that he displayed attributes of presidential greatness, but much further study of the other major foreign and domestic policy issues Reagan confronted during his tenure in office will be required before any definitve judgment can be rendered concerning where he stands in the ranking of America's 42 presidents. Fifth, the AWACS debate shows that the United States need not sacrifice its special relationship with Israel in order to forge stronger ties with Saudi Arabia. This analysis will be of particular interest to scholars, students, and policy makers involved with national security issues, presidential politics, interest groups, and Middle East studies.

Laham argues that Ronald Reagan demonstrated gross ineptitude in his conduct of immigration policy. He failed to press for much-needed reforms in legal immigration while he supported the establishment of a fraud-ridden employer sanctions regime, which had no discernible effect in achieving its goal of stemming the flow of illegal immigration. He failed to take the first step toward the establishment of a fraud-resistant worker verification system, which would enable the employer sanctions provisions of the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) to be effectively enforced. Additionally, he supported the amnesty provisions of IRCA, which granted permanent legal residence to 2.7 million often poorly educated, unskilled, and low-wage illegal aliens.

According to Laham, Reagan's failure to develop a sound and effective immigration policy was not due to the president's urge to satisfy the desires of special interests. Rather, the Reagan administration was crippled in its ability to design a sound and effective immigration policy by the lack of accurate and reliable information on this issue and by the president's own ideological hostility toward big government. These factors impeded the ability of Congress to design an effective employer sanctions regime capable of stemming the flow of illegal immigration to the United States. This thorough and controversial analysis will be of particular interest to scholars, students, and researchers involved with American immigration studies, the presidency, and contemporary public policy.

Bill Clinton's 1993-94 health care reform initiative was one of the most active and sustained presidential campaigns ever undertaken in support of a single social issue, and certainly the boldest attempt to establish national health insurance in the United States. An analysis of the Clinton campaign, therefore, reveals much about the politics of divided government in the late 20th century, the apparent end of the New Deal-Great Society approach to governance and the enduring democratic coalition which supported it, and, of course, the high stakes politics of health care reform. This study attempts to advance our understanding of why national health insurance has proven to be such a potent idea while seemingly impossible to accomplish. The work focuses on the political factors which derailed the Clintons' health care reform initiative, providing a case study of a most significant modern-day political and policy battle.

This insightful work explores one of the under-examined eras of US foreign policy toward the Palestinian question: the Reagan years. The Reagan tenure is often perceived as one of disengagement from the region, especially in the aftermath of the bombing in Lebanon. Nicholas Laham contends that this is not so and that the Reagan administration set the tone for US policy for the next two decades. Specifically the work analyzes the nexus between domestic actors and US foreign policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict. Employing significant archival materials, the book probes in detail the machinations which produced new policies and new policy priorities during this era. This study is provocative but the arguments are well-supported and solid, thus offering a major contribution to the literature. The work will prove a valuable reference tool on the Reagan presidency, the Palestinian conflict, the Middle East and international relations more generally in light of the 2001 terrorist attacks, the war with Iraq and the continuing ramifications of the Arab-Israeli conflict.

This insightful work explores one of the under-examined eras of US foreign policy toward the Palestinian question: the Reagan years. The Reagan tenure is often perceived as one of disengagement from the region, especially in the aftermath of the bombing in Lebanon. Nicholas Laham contends that this is not so and that the Reagan administration set the tone for US policy for the next two decades. Specifically the work analyzes the nexus between domestic actors and US foreign policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict. Employing significant archival materials, the book probes in detail the machinations which produced new policies and new policy priorities during this era. This study is provocative but the arguments are well-supported and solid, thus offering a major contribution to the literature. The work will prove a valuable reference tool on the Reagan presidency, the Palestinian conflict, the Middle East and international relations more generally in light of the 2001 terrorist attacks, the war with Iraq and the continuing ramifications of the Arab-Israeli conflict.

Why is the United States the only advanced industrial democracy today without a national health insurance program? Laham aptly examines the reasons for the current health crisis and assesses the prospects for long-term solutions. Students, teachers, policymakers, activists, and citizens at-large will learn from this comprehensive historical analysis of the political and economic problems that have blocked needed reforms and of the debates and proposals through 1993 which argue for positive change.

While its obvious purpose is to make people laugh, film and television comedy is much more than that. From the birth of motion pictures until today, comedies have reflected and reinforced the evolving cultural milieu which defined American society. This book analyzes the evolution of film and television comedy from the advent of talking motion pictures in the 1930s through the present, defining five separate and distinct periods of this evolution and revealing how each period has been characterized by a dominant trend in film and television comedy. Chapter One examines the period spanning 1934 to 1942, an era defined by screwball comedies that deflected public attention from the grim realities of the Great Depression. Chapter Two deals with the period form 1940 to 1951 and the emergence of suspense comedy, which, like the concurrent film noir, reflected a yet darker social outlook in light of America's involvement in World War II. Chapter Three examines the battle-of-the-sexes comedy, extremely popular throughout the 1950s, looking at ""I Love Lucy"", ""The Honeymooners"", and other husband-and-wife sitcoms that seemingly reinforced post-war sexism. Chapter Four details the shift from the outlandish physical and exaggerated comedy of the 1950s to more realistic characters and plotlines, especially ""The Dick Van Dyke Show"" and its semi-autobiographical reflection of creator Carl Reiner's early years in show business. Chapter Five explores the resurrection of suspense comedy since the 1970s and 1980s, particularly the era's wildly popular 'dumb cop' or 'dumb spy' movie series like ""The Pink Panther"" and ""The Naked Gun"", along with 21st century remakes such as 2006's ""The Pink Panther"" and 2008's ""Get Smart"".

This book argues that the 1986 American bombing of Libya represented an act of desperation by then-president Ronald Reagan in order to salvage American credibility in the Arab world. The author asserts that such credibility had been severely undermined by Reagan's earlier decision to enhance the strategic alliance between the U.S. and Israel, and that the 1986 bombing specifically targeted Libyan leader Muammar Qaddafi as one of the foremost Middle Eastern threats to American security. Finally, the author asserts that the Libyan bombings served as a significant foreshadowing of the current Iraq War and as a powerful illustration of the United States' historical willingness to use military power in order to preserve American economic and strategic interests in the Middle East.