In the twenty-first century, learning-and the definition of education-is changing. New digital, online, and social tools have the ability to transform the classroom and engage learners like never before. Measuring and Analyzing Informal Learning in the Digital Age investigates some of the primary technologies being used in educational settings and how a less structured and more open learning environment can effectively motivate students in their studies. Bringing together a wide variety of perspectives from a global list of authors, this premier reference is a crucial source of information for educators, administrators, theorists, and other professionals in the education field.

Written from the perspective of a philosopher and African immigrant, this book makes a foreceful moral argument for the need for a Truth and Reconcilation Commission (TRC) in the U.S. to address the long history of injustice to African-Americans. It shows that a TRC-similar to those established in South Africa and Chile-would rescue the ideals embodied in the U.S. Constitution while expanding their promise. Rejecting more recent views of the country's founding as an embodiment of incorrigible racial oppression, Olufemi Taiwo sees in the U.S. Constitution, and the original utopia that was at its foundation, the best available means for achieving liberty and justice. But he simultaneously shows how only a TRC can successfully open the path to moving the U.S. past its long legacy of antiblack racism in particular and racial oppression, generally, towards a more perfect union. Written with an immigrant's love of his new homeland but a clear-eyed view of its major shortcomings, the book rejects the idea of American exceptionalism in prescribing a solution that has worked elsewhere. Key Features A clear view of the wide chasm between the ideals established at the U.S.'s founding and the subsequent society that developed. Combines first-person experiences of the author with close readings of modern political philosophy, W.E.B. Du Bois, Martin Luther King, Jr., Derrick Bell, and others. Traces the link between the denial of citizenship to Blacks, both historically and today, and anti-Black violence. Shows how an obsession with the law and legal reform will never adequately address the fundamental problem of anti-Black oppression. Shows philosophically the necessity of establishing a consensual view of the truth must precede any effective reonciliation.

Written from the perspective of a philosopher and African immigrant, this book makes a foreceful moral argument for the need for a Truth and Reconcilation Commission (TRC) in the U.S. to address the long history of injustice to African-Americans. It shows that a TRC-similar to those established in South Africa and Chile-would rescue the ideals embodied in the U.S. Constitution while expanding their promise. Rejecting more recent views of the country's founding as an embodiment of incorrigible racial oppression, Olufemi Taiwo sees in the U.S. Constitution, and the original utopia that was at its foundation, the best available means for achieving liberty and justice. But he simultaneously shows how only a TRC can successfully open the path to moving the U.S. past its long legacy of antiblack racism in particular and racial oppression, generally, towards a more perfect union. Written with an immigrant's love of his new homeland but a clear-eyed view of its major shortcomings, the book rejects the idea of American exceptionalism in prescribing a solution that has worked elsewhere. Key Features A clear view of the wide chasm between the ideals established at the U.S.'s founding and the subsequent society that developed. Combines first-person experiences of the author with close readings of modern political philosophy, W.E.B. Du Bois, Martin Luther King, Jr., Derrick Bell, and others. Traces the link between the denial of citizenship to Blacks, both historically and today, and anti-Black violence. Shows how an obsession with the law and legal reform will never adequately address the fundamental problem of anti-Black oppression. Shows philosophically the necessity of establishing a consensual view of the truth must precede any effective reonciliation.

An argument against the idea of the indigenous chief as a liberal political figure. Across Africa, it is not unusual for proponents of liberal democracy and modernization to make room for some aspects of indigenous culture, such as the use of a chief as a political figure. Yet for Olu fe mi Ta i wo , no such accommodation should be made. Chiefs, he argues, in this thought-provoking and wide-ranging pamphlet, cannot be liberals-and liberals cannot be chiefs. If we fail to recognize this, we fail to acknowledge the metaphysical underpinnings of modern understandings of freedom and equality, as well as the ways in which African intellectuals can offer a distinctive take on the unfinished business of colonialism.

Selected as one of '100 Notable African Books of 2022' in Brittle Paper A leading African political philosopher's searing intellectual and moral critique of today's decolonisation movement. Decolonisation has lost its way. Originally a struggle to escape the West's direct political and economic control, it has become a catch-all idea, often for performing 'morality' or 'authenticity'; it suffocates African thought and denies African agency. Olufe mi Taiwo fiercely rejects the indiscriminate application of 'decolonisation' to everything from literature, language and philosophy to sociology, psychology and medicine. He argues that the decolonisation industry, obsessed with cataloguing wrongs, is seriously harming scholarship on and in Africa. He finds 'decolonisation' of culture intellectually unsound and wholly unrealistic, conflating modernity with coloniality, and groundlessly advocating an open-ended undoing of global society's foundations. Worst of all, today's movement attacks its own cause: 'decolonisers' themselves are disregarding, infantilising and imposing values on contemporary African thinkers. This powerful, much-needed intervention questions whether today's 'decolonisation' truly serves African empowerment. Taiwo's is a bold challenge to respect African intellectuals as innovative adaptors, appropriators and synthesisers of ideas they have always seen as universally relevant.

Legal Naturalism advances a clear and convincing case that Marx's theory of law is a form of natural law jurisprudence. It explicates both Marx's writings and the idea of natural law, and makes a forceful contribution to current debates on the foundations of law. Olufemi Taiwo argues that embedded in the corpus of Marxist writing is a plausible, adequate, and coherent legal theory. In this sophisticated, well-written book, he describes Marx's general concept of law, which he calls "legal naturalism". For Marxism, natural law isn't a permanent verity; it refers to the basic law of a given epoch or social formation which is an essential aspect of its mode of production. Capitalist law is thus natural law in a capitalist society and is politically and morally progressive relative to the laws of preceding social formations. Taiwo emphasizes that these formations are dialectical or dynamic, not merely static, so that the law which is naturally appropriate to a capitalist economy will embody tensions and contradictions that replicate the underlying conflicts of that economy. In addition, he discusses the enactment and reform of "positive law" - law established by government institutions - in a Marxian framework.

Legal Naturalism advances a clear and convincing case that Marx's theory of law is a form of natural law jurisprudence. It explicates both Marx's writings and the idea of natural law, and makes a forceful contribution to current debates on the foundations of law. Olufemi Taiwo argues that embedded in the corpus of Marxist writing is a plausible, adequate, and coherent legal theory. He describes Marx's general concept of law, which he calls "legal naturalism." For Marxism, natural law isn't a permanent verity; it refers to the basic law of a given epoch or social formation which is an essential aspect of its mode of production. Capitalist law is thus natural law in a capitalist society and is politically and morally progressive relative to the laws of preceding social formations. Taiwo emphasizes that these formations are dialectical or dynamic, not merely static, so that the law which is naturally appropriate to a capitalist economy will embody tensions and contradictions that replicate the underlying conflicts of that economy. In addition, he discusses the enactment and reform of "positive law"-law established by government institutions-in a Marxian framework.

In a forthright and uncompromising manner, Olufemi Taiwo explores Africa's hostility toward modernity and how that hostility has impeded economic development and social and political transformation. What has to change for Africa to be able to respond to the challenges of modernity and globalization? Taiwo insists that Africa can renew itself only by fully engaging with democracy and capitalism and by mining its untapped intellectual resources. While many may not agree with Taiwo's positions, they will be unable to ignore what he says. This is a bold exhortation for Africa to come into the 21st century.