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This volume draws together papers that argue for a renewed focus on
the role of hard constraints on phonological representations as
well as the processes that operate on them. These are issues that
have been sidelined since the shift in emphasis in phonological
research to functionally grounded output-oriented constraints.
Taking Optimality Theory as their starting point, the articles
attack the question to what degree the Generator function Gen
should be given freedom of analysis on three fronts. (1) What is
the nature of the representations that Gen manipulates? Is a return
to more articulated theories of segmental and prosodic
representation desirable? (2) What restrictions might there be on
the operations that Gen carries out on representations? Should Gen
be endowed with structure-changing potential, as assumed in work
couched within Correspondence Theory, or is a return to the
principle of Containment preferable? Should Gen be restricted in
the number of edits it can carry out at any one time? Should Gen be
restricted to generating phonetically interpretable candidates? (3)
What is the relationship between Gen and functionally arbitrary or
opaque phonological patterns? Should Gen's freedom be restricted in
order to account for language-specific phonology? The solutions
offered to these questions bear significantly on current issues
that are of fundamental concern in linguistic theory, including
representations, parallelism vs. serialism, and the division of
labour between linguistic modules. The authors scrutinize these
issues using data from a variety of unrelated languages, including
Czech, English, Greek, Haitian Creole, Hawaiian, Lardil, Spanish,
Turkish, and Yowlumne.
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