Although equal employment opportunity laws are often at the center of political debate, it has been difficult for students, teachers, and concerned citizens to learn about the controversy over EEO. Contributions to our understanding are scattered, this collection of writings is a broad interdisciplinary introduction to the struggle for EEO and its consequences. No other collection brings together articles on theories of dis-criminations; competing theories about the likely impact of EEO laws; analyses of the laws' impact on women, blacks, and other minorities; and debates about affirmative action.

Although equal employment opportunity laws are often at the center of political debate, it has been difficult for students, teachers, and concerned citizens to learn about the controversy over EEO. Contributions to our understanding are scattered, this collection of writings is a broad interdisciplinary introduction to the struggle for EEO and its consequences. No other collection brings together articles on theories of dis-criminations; competing theories about the likely impact of EEO laws; analyses of the laws' impact on women, blacks, and other minorities; and debates about affirmative action.

Between one election and the next, members of Congress introduce thousands of bills. What determines which become law? Is it the public? Do we have government 'of the people, by the people, for the people?' Or is it those who have the resources to organize and pressure government who get what they want? In the first study ever of a random sample of policy proposals, Paul Burstein finds that the public can get what it wants - but mainly on the few issues that attract its attention. Does this mean organized interests get what they want? Not necessarily - on most issues there is so little political activity that it hardly matters. Politics may be less of a battle between the public and organized interests than a struggle for attention. American society is so much more complex than it was when the Constitution was written that we may need to reconsider what it means, in fact, to be a democracy.

Between one election and the next, members of Congress introduce thousands of bills. What determines which become law? Is it the public? Do we have government 'of the people, by the people, for the people?' Or is it those who have the resources to organize and pressure government who get what they want? In the first study ever of a random sample of policy proposals, Paul Burstein finds that the public can get what it wants - but mainly on the few issues that attract its attention. Does this mean organized interests get what they want? Not necessarily - on most issues there is so little political activity that it hardly matters. Politics may be less of a battle between the public and organized interests than a struggle for attention. American society is so much more complex than it was when the Constitution was written that we may need to reconsider what it means, in fact, to be a democracy.

Social movements in the United States are important political actors because of their scale and duration, their generation of new ideas and understandings of existing problems, their ability to mobilize those who were previously passive citizens, and the impetus they provide for restructuring and broadening the agenda of American politics. This volume combines chapters by a distinguished group of social movement scholars, from both sociology and political science, who use perspectives ranging from political process theory to rational choice and collective action approaches to evaluate the functioning of institutions of American government and the public policies that they produce. A diverse group of movements and interests are featured: women, public interest, native America, the environment, the Christian Right, abortion, gay rights, and homelessness among them.