At a cost of at least 800,000 lives, the Civil War preserved the Union, aborted the breakaway Confederacy, and liberated a race of slaves. Civil War Memories is the first comprehensive account of how and why Americans have selectively remembered, and forgotten, this watershed conflict since its conclusion in 1865. Drawing on an array of textual and visual sources as well as a wide range of modern scholarship on Civil War memory, Robert J. Cook charts the construction of four dominant narratives by the ordinary men and women, as well as the statesmen and generals, who lived through the struggle and its tumultuous aftermath. Part One explains why the Yankee victors' memory of the "War of the Rebellion" drove political conflict into the 1890s, then waned with the passing of the soldiers who had saved the republic. It also touches on the leading role southern white women played in the development of the racially segregated South's "Lost Cause"; explores why, by the beginning of the twentieth century, the majority of Americans had embraced a powerful reconciliatory memory of the Civil War; and details the failed efforts to connect an emancipationist reading of the conflict to the fading cause of civil rights. Part Two demonstrates the Civil War's capacity to thrill twentieth-century Americans in movies such as The Birth of a Nation and Gone with the Wind. It also reveals the war's vital connection to the black freedom struggle in the modern era. Finally, Cook argues that the massacre of African American parishioners in Charleston in June 2015 highlighted the continuing relevance of the Civil War by triggering intense nationwide controversy over the place of Confederate symbols in the United States. Written in vigorous prose for a wide audience and designed to inform popular debate on the relevance of the Civil War to the racial politics of modern America, Civil War Memories is required reading for informed Americans today.

CONTENTS: Introduction, Jean H. Baker and Charles W. Mitchell "Border State, Border War: Fighting for Freedom and Slavery in Antebellum Maryland," Richard Bell "Charity Folks and the Ghosts of Slavery in Pre-Civil War Maryland," Jessica Millward "Confronting Dred Scott: Seeing Citizenship from Baltimore," Martha S. Jones "'Maryland Is This Day . . . True to the American Union' The Election of 1860 and a Winter of Discontent," Charles W. Mitchell "Baltimore's Secessionist Moment: Conservatism and Political Networks in the Pratt Street Riot and Its Aftermath," Frank Towers "Abraham Lincoln, Civil Liberties, and Maryland," Frank J. Williams "The Fighting Sons of 'My Maryland' The Recruitment of Union Regiments in Baltimore, 1861-1865," Timothy J. Orr "'What I Witnessed Would Only Make You Sick' Union Soldiers Confront the Dead at Antietam," Brian Matthew Jordan "Confederate Invasions of Maryland," Thomas G. Clemens "Achieving Emancipation in Maryland," Jonathan W. White "Maryland's Women at War," Robert W. Schoeberlein "The Failed Promise of Reconstruction," Sharita Jacobs Thompson "'F--k the Confederacy' The Strange Career of Civil War Memory in Maryland after 1865," Robert J. Cook

Of all the threats to global security in the modern era, none is more catastrophic in its effects than the failure of states and international organizations to act when large scale human rights atrocities (meaning genocide or ethnic cleansing) occur. The international community promised that the genocide of World War II would never repeat itself at the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in 1948. Unfortunately, the 20th century's final decade ended in a bloody fashion as acts of genocide and ethnic cleansing occurred in Iraq, Somalia, Rwanda and Bosnia. In each of these cases, the international community either failed to act or intervened only after the carnage and suffering was too monumental to ignore. The only time the international community acted to prevent a potential genocide during this period was in Kosovo in the spring of 1999. The escalating Serbian violence and aggression against the Albanian Muslim population of Kosovo prompted the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to launch an air campaign against Serbia to stop the atrocities. The purpose of this paper is to examine the intervention in Kosovo as it provides an excellent foundation for the development of a credible humanitarian intervention policy.

When America went to war with itself, Wilmington was North Carolina's largest city. From the imposing grandeur of the Bellamy Mansion that overlooked a busy harbor, to the Wilmington & Weldon Railroad, which at the time boasted the longest rail line in the world, the port city was a bustling example of Southern industry. But when conflict came, the city became a pivotal player in the Confederate government's war efforts. Paddy's Hollow boasted more than thirty saloons, while murders happened with alarming frequency. Prostitutes offered their services to the thousands of soldiers passing through town, while civilian and military authorities tried to keep a lid on it all. Local police were woefully inadequate to keep the peace against rioting troops who had witnessed the horrors of places like Chickamauga and Gettysburg. Doctors performed heroically to save lives, fighting disease, battlefield disfigurements, and death with too little of every kind of medicine and supplies. Civilians, railroads, and military officials all competed for too few resources, while offshore the Union blockade of what became the last open port of the Confederacy grew tighter with each passing day. Robert J. Cooke's ten years of research has resulted in a picture of Wilmington that more closely resembles the Wild West's Dodge City than it does some genteel antebellum city.

Politicians and opinion leaders on both sides of the Mason-Dixon line struggled to formulate coherent responses to the secession of the deep South states. The Confederate attack on Fort Sumter in mid-April 1861 triggered civil war and the loss of four upper South states from the Union. The essays by three senior historians in "Secession Winter" explore the robust debates that preceded these events.

For five months in the winter of 1860-1861, Americans did not know for certain that civil war was upon them. Some hoped for a compromise; others wanted a fight. Many struggled to understand what was happening to their country. Robert J. Cook, William L. Barney, and Elizabeth R. Varon take approaches to this period that combine political, economic, and social-cultural lines of analysis. Rather than focus on whether civil war was inevitable, they look at the political process of secession and find multiple internal divisions--political parties, whites and nonwhites, elites and masses, men and women. Even individual northerners and southerners suffered inner conflicts.

The authors include the voices of Unionists and Whig party moderates who had much to lose and upcountry folk who owned no slaves and did not particularly like those who did. Barney contends that white southerners were driven to secede by anxiety and guilt over slavery. Varon takes a new look at Robert E. Lee's decision to join the Confederacy. Cook argues that both northern and southern politicians claimed the rightness of their cause by constructing selective narratives of historical grievances.

"Secession Winter" explores the fact of contingency and reminds readers and students that nothing was foreordained.