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In the early 1980s the peace movements in most of the Western
countries captured public attention as never before. This largely
resulted from NATO's decision in 1979 to deploy new medium range
missiles in Europe in 1983 if negotiations with the Soviet Union to
limit this type of weapon system failed. The main purpose of the
peace movements in Europe was to put pressure on their respective
governments to accept Soviet proposals in negotiations and not to
deploy new missiles. Many large demonstrations and other
'happenings' were organised for this purpose. The Soviet and other
Warsaw Pact countries accompanied and supported the activities of
the peace movements by propaganda and disinformation campaigns. The
national peace movements, despite their common aims, had different
historic backgrounds and characteristics. This book, originally
published in 1985, presents an authoritative review of the peace
movements in Sweden, Denmark, Norway, the Netherlands, Great
Britain, France, Italy, Germany and the United States. The authors
discuss not only the history and organisation of each peace
movement, but also their international cooperation, media coverage
and prospects for the future.
In the early 1980s the peace movements in most of the Western
countries captured public attention as never before. This largely
resulted from NATO's decision in 1979 to deploy new medium range
missiles in Europe in 1983 if negotiations with the Soviet Union to
limit this type of weapon system failed. The main purpose of the
peace movements in Europe was to put pressure on their respective
governments to accept Soviet proposals in negotiations and not to
deploy new missiles. Many large demonstrations and other
'happenings' were organised for this purpose. The Soviet and other
Warsaw Pact countries accompanied and supported the activities of
the peace movements by propaganda and disinformation campaigns. The
national peace movements, despite their common aims, had different
historic backgrounds and characteristics. This book, originally
published in 1985, presents an authoritative review of the peace
movements in Sweden, Denmark, Norway, the Netherlands, Great
Britain, France, Italy, Germany and the United States. The authors
discuss not only the history and organisation of each peace
movement, but also their international cooperation, media coverage
and prospects for the future.
The essays in this book reflect on the paradoxical relationship of
liberal education and liberal democracy. Liberal education
emphasizes knowledge for its own sake, detached from all
instrumental purposes. It also aims at liberation from the manifold
sources of unfreedom, including political sources. In this sense,
liberal education is negative, questioning any and all constraints
on the activity of mind. Liberal democracy, devoted to securing
individual natural rights, purports to be the regime of liberty par
excellence. Since both liberal education and liberal democracy aim
to set individuals free, they would seem to be harmonious and
mutually reinforcing. But there are reasons to doubt that liberal
education can be the civic education liberal democracy needs. If
liberal education is in tension with all instrumental purposes, how
does it stand toward the goal of preparing the kind of citizens
liberal democracy needs? The book's contributors are critical of
the way higher education typically interprets its responsibility
for educating citizens, and they link those failures to academia's
neglect of certain founding principles of the American political
tradition and of the traditional liberal arts ideal.
Taking on Tehran, provides concrete solutions to the emerging
Iranian global threat. The aggressive policy recommendations call
for a multidimensional confrontation and containment of Iran with a
proactive move toward regime change. The book offers practical,
achievable guidance to policy makers and unique insight for
students into how foreign policy is really made. This book is
published in cooperation with the American Foreign Policy Council.
Transformations of thought among British foreign policy makers
since World War II have motivated this new study. For the first
time in its history, during the postwar decade, Britain began to
abandon its world power outlook and to turn toward a European
consensus, substituting regional interests for its global
perspective. The author asks: How does a people so attuned to
worldwide interests and commitments reconcile itself to such
drastically altered circumstances as those that followed World War
II? How does a people that has historically viewed with hostility
the unification of continental Europe develop as a top foreign
priority participation in the European integration movement? The
book focuses on the response of the British Government to changing
international and domestic forces, including elite groups at home.
Britain Faces Europe is the first book to examine both the
development of British policy and the evolution of attitudes in the
British private sector toward European integration between 1957 and
1967. Drawing on public documents and interviews, the author traces
the movement of British policy toward a more European out look.
Investigating publications of interest groups such as the National
Farmers Union, the Trades Union Congress, the Confederation of
British Industry, and such Europe- oriented groups as Federal Union
and the United Kingdom Council for Europe, the author traces the
development of support for Common Market membership in the private
sector. Developing attitudes in representative British newspapers
and journals and those of parliamentary parties art described.
Publications and statements of "anti-European organizations and
public opinion polls are also examined. Important elements of the
study for all students and observers of world affairs are its
examination of British expectations from European integration and
its assessment of the British Common Market case from propositions
about integration drawn from theoretically-oriented literature. The
book is an innovation in approach in that other studies have
focused almost exclusively on descriptions of official policy
without major reference to either the private sector or theories of
integration at the international level.
Air University is proud to have joined the Air Staff and the
International Security Studies Program of the Fletcher School of
Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University in sponsoring the April 1991
conference on aerospace challenges and missions that produced this
collection of essays. Written by a distinguished group of
specialists from academia, the military, government, business, and
the media, these essays examine American national security policy
and Air Force issues from a variety of perspectives. Aside from
their remarkable perceptiveness, the contributions of the authors
are especially timely because they address the pivotal role of air
power in the war with Iraq. The essays leave no doubt that the
employment of both established and innovative methods of air combat
in that crisis has important implications for the global-security
environment of the future. In that sense, this book provides a
foundation for evaluating the complex policy challenges that w e
face in the 1990s and into the next century
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