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China's rapidly developing military capabilities have forced US
policy makers to reconsider their own military infrastructure. The
primary concern of this book is to examine how China's military
modernisation will be factored into decisions about US Navy
programs. Several elements of China's military modernisation have
potential implications for future required US Navy capabilities.
These include theatre-range ballistic missiles (TBMs), land-attack
cruise missiles (LACMs), anti-ship cruise missiles (ASCMs),
surface-to-air missiles (SAMs), land-based aircraft, submarines,
surface combatants, amphibious ships, naval mines, nuclear weapons,
and possibly high-power microwave (HPM) devices. This book will
examine how these elements and others will influence the future of
the United States Navy.
This book examines the burning issues facing today's Navy and
Congress. Although rapid progress in aircraft and bombing
technology has caused some to question the viability of naval
warfare, the role of the navy has actually grown. The Navy is able
to move an astonishing amount of firepower to any corner of the
globe and once there, project formidable threats or punishing
misery on an opposing power. The navy has shown that it can adapt
to a new world. The book also includes an important history of the
US Navy. Contents: Preface: Unmanned Vehicles for US Naval Forces:
Background; Navy LHD-8 Amphibious Assault Ship: Background; Navy
Littoral Ship (LCS): Background; Navy Trident Submarine Conversion
(SSGN) Program: Background; Navy Amphibious Shipbuilding Programs:
Background; Navy Zumwalt (DD-21) Class Destroyer Program:
Background; Navy DD-21 Land Attack Destroyer Program; Navy DD(X)
Future Surface Combatant Program: Background; Navy CVNX Aircraft
Carrier Program: Background; Navy Aircraft Carrier Procurement:
CVN-77 'Smart Buy' Proposal; Navy New Attack Submarine (NSSN)
Program: Is It Affordable?; Navy Attack Submarine Programs:
Background; The Navy/DARPA Arsenal Ship Program; Ind
The Navy wants to procure three new classes of surface combatants
-- the DDG-1000 (formerly DD(X)) destroyer, the CG(X) cruiser, and
a smaller surface combatant called the Littoral Combat Ship (LCS).
The Navy wants to procure 7 DDG-1000s, 19 CG(X)s, and 55 LCSs. The
first two DDG-1000s are to be procured in FY2007, with each ship
being split-funded (i.e., incrementally funded) across FY2007 and
FY2008. The estimated cost of each ship is $3,291 million, for a
total of $6,582 million. The FY2007 budget requests $2,568 million
in procurement funding for the two ships. The Navy estimates that
the next three DDG-1000s will cost an average of roughly $2.5
billion each. The Navy wants to procure the first CG(X) in FY2011.
The first LCS was procured in FY2005, three more were procured in
FY2006, and the Navy's proposed FY2007 budget requests $521 million
to procure two additional ships. The Navy's FY2007 unfunded
requirements list (URL) -- its "wish list" of items desired but not
included in the FY2007 budget -- includes an additional two LCSs
for an additional $520 million. The DDG-1000/CG(X) and LCS programs
raise several oversight issues for Congress, including the
affordability of the DDG-1000/CG(X) program and the acquisition ...
The diminishment of Arctic sea ice has led to increased human
activities in the Arctic, and has heightened interest in, and
concerns about, the region's future. The United States, by virtue
of Alaska, is an Arctic country and has substantial interests in
the region. On January 12, 2009, the George W. Bush Administration
released a presidential directive, called National Security
Presidential Directive 66/Homeland Security Presidential Directive
25 (NSPD 66/HSPD 25), establishing a new U.S. policy for the Arctic
region.
The Littoral Combat Ship (LCS) is a relatively inexpensive Navy
surface combatant equipped with modular plug-and-fight mission
packages. The basic version of the LCS, without any mission
packages, is referred to as the LCS sea frame. The Navy wants to
field a force of 55 LCSs. The first two (LCS-1 and LCS-2) were
procured in FY2005 and FY2006 and were commissioned into service on
November 8, 2008, and January 16, 2010. Another two (LCS-3 and
LCS-4) were procured in FY2009 and are under construction. Two more
(LCS-5 and LCS-6) were procured in FY2010. The Navy's FY2011-FY2015
shipbuilding plan calls for procuring 17 more LCSs in annual
quantities of 2, 3, 4, 4, and 4. The Navy's proposed FY2011 budget
requests $1,231.0 million in procurement funding for the two LCSs
that the Navy wants to procure in FY2011, and $278.4 million in
FY2011 advance procurement funding for the 11 LCSs that the Navy
wants to procure in FY2012-FY2014. The Navy's proposed FY2011
budget also requests procurement funding to procure LCS mission
packages, LCS module weapons, and research and development funding
for the LCS program. There are currently two very different LCS
designs--one developed and produced by an industry team led by ...
CVN-78, CVN-79, and CVN-80 are the first three ships in the Navy's
new Gerald R. Ford (CVN- 78) class of nuclear-powered aircraft
carriers (CVNs). CVN-78 was procured in FY2008. The Navy's proposed
FY2013 budget estimates the ship's procurement cost at $12,323.2
million (i.e., about $12.3 billion) in then-year dollars. The ship
received advance procurement funding in FY2001-FY2007 and was fully
funded in FY2008- FY2011 using congressionally authorized four-year
incremental funding. The Navy did not request any procurement
funding for the ship in FY2012, and is not requesting any
procurement funding for the ship in FY2013. The Navy plans to
request $449 million in procurement funding in FY2014 and $362
million in procurement funding in FY2015 for the ship to cover $811
million in cost growth on the ship.
This report presents policy and oversight issues for Congress
arising from (1) maritime territorial disputes involving China in
the South China Sea (SCS) and East China Sea (ECS) and (2) an
additional dispute over whether China has a right under
international law to regulate U.S. and other foreign military
activities in its 200-nautical-mile maritime Exclusive Economic
Zone (EEZ). China is a party to multiple maritime territorial
disputes in the SCS and ECS, including, in particular, disputes
over the Paracel Islands, Spratly Islands, and Scarborough Shoal in
the SCS, and the Senkaku Islands in the ECS. Maritime territorial
disputes involving China in the SCS and ECS date back many years,
and have periodically led to incidents and periods of increased
tension. The disputes have again intensified in the past few years,
leading to numerous confrontations and incidents, and heightened
tensions between China and other countries in the region,
particularly Japan, the Philippines, and Vietnam. In addition to
maritime territorial disputes in the SCS and ECS, China is involved
in a dispute, particularly with the United States, over whether
China has a right under international law to regulate the
activities of foreign military forces operating within China's EEZ.
The dispute appears to ...
The diminishment of Arctic sea ice has led to increased human
activities in the Arctic, and has heightened interest in, and
concerns about, the region's future. The United States, by virtue
of Alaska, is an Arctic country and has substantial interests in
the region. On January 12, 2009, the George W. Bush Administration
released a presidential directive, called National Security
Presidential Directive 66/Homeland Security Presidential Directive
25 (NSPD 66/HSPD 25), establishing a new U.S. policy for the Arctic
region. Record low extent of Arctic sea ice in 2007 focused
scientific and policy attention on its linkage to global climate
change, and to the implications of projected ice-free seasons in
the Arctic within decades. The Arctic has been projected by several
scientists to be perennially ice-free in the late summer by the
late 2030s. The five Arctic coastal states-the United States,
Canada, Russia, Norway, and Denmark (of which Greenland is a
territory)-are in the process of preparing Arctic territorial
claims for submission to the Commission on the Limits of the
Continental Shelf. The Russian claim to the enormous underwater
Lomonosov Ridge, if accepted, would reportedly grant Russia nearly
one half of the Arctic area. There are also four other unresolved
Arctic territorial disputes. The diminishment of Arctic ice could
lead in coming years to increased commercial shipping on two
trans-Arctic sea routes-the Northern Sea Route and the Northwest
Passage. Current international guidelines for ships operating in
Arctic waters are being updated. Changes to the Arctic brought
about by warming temperatures will likely allow more exploration
for oil, gas, and minerals. Warming that causes permafrost to melt
could pose challenges to onshore exploration activities. Increased
oil and gas exploration and tourism (cruise ships) in the Arctic
increase the risk of pollution in the region. Cleaning up oil
spills in ice-covered waters will be more difficult than in other
areas, primarily because effective strategies have yet to be
developed. Large commercial fisheries exist in the Arctic. The
United States is currently meeting with other countries regarding
the management of Arctic fish stocks. Changes in the Arctic could
affect threatened and endangered species. Under the Endangered
Species Act, the polar bear was listed as threatened on May 15,
2008. Arctic climate change is also expected to affect the
economies, health, and cultures of Arctic indigenous peoples. Two
of the Coast Guard's three polar icebreakers-Polar Star and Polar
Sea-have exceeded their intended 30-year service lives and are
currently not operational. The possibility of increased sea traffic
through Arctic waters also raises an issue concerning Arctic search
and rescue capabilities. On May 12, 2011, representatives from the
member states of the Arctic Council signed an agreement on
cooperation on aeronautical and maritime search and rescue in the
Arctic. The Arctic has increasingly become a subject of discussion
among political leaders of the nations in the region. Although
there is significant international cooperation on Arctic issues,
the Arctic is also increasingly being viewed by some observers as a
potential emerging security issue. In varying degrees, the Arctic
coastal states have indicated a willingness to establish and
maintain a military presence in the high north. U.S. military
forces, particularly the Navy and Coast Guard, have begun to pay
more attention to the region.
The planned size of the Navy, the rate of Navy ship procurement,
and the prospective affordability of the Navy's shipbuilding plans
have been matters of concern for the congressional defense
committees for the past several years. In February 2006, the Navy
presented to Congress a goal of achieving and maintaining a fleet
of 313 ships, consisting of certain types and quantities of ships.
On March 28, 2012, the Department of Defense (DOD) submitted to
Congress an FY2013 30-year (FY2013-FY2042) shipbuilding plan that
includes a new goal for a fleet of about 310-316 ships. The Navy is
conducting a force structure assessment, to be completed later this
year, that could lead to a refinement of this 310- 316 ship
plan.The planned size of the Navy, the rate of Navy ship
procurement, and the prospective affordability of the Navy's
shipbuilding plans have been matters of concern for the
congressional defense committees for the past several years. In
February 2006, the Navy presented to Congress a goal of achieving
and maintaining a fleet of 313 ships, consisting of certain types
and quantities of ships. On March 28, 2012, the Department of
Defense (DOD) submitted to Congress an FY2013 30-year
(FY2013-FY2042) shipbuilding plan that includes a new goal for a
fleet of about 310-316 ships. The Navy is conducting a force
structure assessment, to be completed later this year, that could
lead to a refinement of this 310- 316 ship plan.
The Navy's FY2013 budget submission calls for procuring nine
Arleigh Burke (DDG-51) class destroyers in FY2013-FY2017, in annual
quantities of 2-1-2-2-2. The five DDG-51s scheduled for procurement
in FY2013-FY2015, and one of the two scheduled for procurement in
FY2016, are to be of the current Flight IIA design. The Navy wants
to begin procuring a new version of the DDG-51 design, called the
Flight III design, starting with the second of the two ships
scheduled for procurement in FY2016. The two DDG-51s scheduled for
procurement in FY2017 are also to be of the Flight III design. The
Flight III design is to feature a new and more capable radar called
the Air and Missile Defense Radar (AMDR). The Navy this year is
requesting congressional approval to use a multiyear procurement
(MYP) arrangement for the nine DDG-51s scheduled for procurement in
FY2013-FY2017.
Some officials of the Islamic Republic of Iran have recently
renewed threats to close or exercise control over the Strait of
Hormuz. Iran's threats appear to have been prompted by the likely
imposition of new multilateral sanctions targeting Iran's economic
lifeline-the export of oil and other energy products. In the past,
Iranian leaders have made similar threats and comments when the
country's oil exports have been threatened. However, as in the
past, the prospect of a major disruption of maritime traffic in the
Strait risks damaging Iranian interests. U.S. and allied military
capabilities in the region remain formidable. This makes a
prolonged outright closure of the Strait appear unlikely.
Nevertheless, such threats can and do raise tensions in global
energy markets and leave the United States and other global oil
consumers to consider the risks of another potential conflict in
the Middle East. This report explains Iranian threats to the Strait
of Hormuz, and analyzes the implications of some scenarios for
potential U.S. or international conflict with Iran. These scenarios
include: (1) Outright Closure. An outright closure of the Strait of
Hormuz, a major artery of the global oil market, would be an
unprecedented disruption of global oil supply and contribute to
higher global oil prices. However, at present, this appears to be a
low probability event. Were this to occur, it is not likely to be
prolonged. It would likely trigger a military response from the
United States and others, which could reach beyond simply
reestablishing Strait transit. Iran would also alienate countries
that currently oppose broader oil sanctions. Iran could become more
likely to actually pursue this if few or no countries were willing
to import its oil. (2) Harassment and/or Infrastructure Damage.
Iran could harass tanker traffic through the Strait through a range
of measures without necessarily shutting down all traffic. This
took place during the Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s. Also, critical
energy production and export infrastructure could be damaged as a
result of military action by Iran, the United States, or other
actors. Harassment or infrastructure damage could contribute to
lower exports of oil from the Persian Gulf, greater uncertainty
around oil supply, higher shipping costs, and consequently higher
oil prices. However, harassment also runs the risk of triggering a
military response and alienating Iran's remaining oil customers.
(3) Continued Threats. Iranian officials could continue to make
threatening statements without taking action. This could still
raise energy market tensions and contribute to higher oil prices,
though only to the degree that oil market participants take such
threats seriously. If an oil disruption does occur, the United
States has the option of temporarily offsetting its effects through
the release of oil from the Strategic Petroleum Reserve. Such
action could be coordinated with other countries that hold
strategic reserves, as was done with other members of the
International Energy Agency after the disruption of Libyan crude
supplies in 2011. Iran's threats suggest to many experts that
international and multilateral sanctions-and the prospect of
additional sanctions-have begun to affect its political and
strategic calculations. The threats have been coupled with a
publicly announced agreement by Iran to resume talks with six
countries on measures that would assure the international community
that Iran's nuclear program is used for purely peaceful purposes.
Some experts believe that the pressure on Iran's economy, and its
agreement to renewed talks, provide the best opportunity in at
least two years to reach agreement with Iran on curbing its nuclear
program.
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