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The current struggles over nationality policy in Russia and in
neighboring states are rooted in the history of the Narkomnats and
in policies that Stalin established as Commissar. This history,
based in large part on primary research, describes the Commissariat
of Nationalities from 1917 to 1924, Stalin's role as its chief, and
the policies that were the origins of the current ethnic dilemmas
throughout the now collapsed Soviet Empire. This rich history is
intended for scholars, students, and policymakers in European
history and Slavic studies, and for general readers interested in
the background of political and social conflicts in the former
Soviet republics today.
Taking on Tehran, provides concrete solutions to the emerging
Iranian global threat. The aggressive policy recommendations call
for a multidimensional confrontation and containment of Iran with a
proactive move toward regime change. The book offers practical,
achievable guidance to policy makers and unique insight for
students into how foreign policy is really made. This book is
published in cooperation with the American Foreign Policy Council.
What are the key factors that will shape the post-Soviet military
system? Leading experts assess the geostrategic context in which
leaders must operate, the nature of future war, foundations of
military power, dilemmas confronting a multinational military
force, problems in managing a nuclear arsenal, civil-military
relations, economic priorities and problems, and ethnic questions.
This current evaluation of how war and the Soviet Union are being
transformed is an invaluable study for students and experts in
military studies, political science, and the social sciences
generally. In this collection of important perspectives, Soviet
military elites and influential civilian policymakers discussed
what previous and present developments will require in the future.
This collaborative effort examines what Moscow sees as important
requirements. The study analyzes Soviet forecasting methodologies,
naval developments, views about theater warfare in Europe,
developments in C3I, the role of space, the Soviet military
economy, mobilization regimes, Soviet views on American military
thought, perspectives on the initial period of warfare and changes
in operational arts. Chapter endnotes and reference lists point to
major sources of Soviet scholarship.
In one way or another, the papers included in this monograph, from
the Strategic Studies Institute's annual conference on Russia in
May 2012, all point to the internal pathologies that render Russian
security a precarious affair at the best of times. As the editor
suggests, the very fact of this precariousness makes Russia an
inherently unpredictable and even potentially dangerous actor, not
necessarily because it will actively attack its neighbors, though
we certainly cannot exclude that possibility, but rather because
Russia may come apart trying to play the role of a great power in
Eurasia or elsewhere. As we all know, that outcome happened in 1917
and in 1989-91, with profound implications for international
security and U.S. interests.
The three papers presented here are by well-known experts and were
delivered at SSI's third annual conference on Russia that took
place at Carlisle, PA, on September 26-27, 2011. This conference,
like its predecessors, had as its goal the assemblage of Russian,
European, and American experts to engage in a regular, open, and
candid dialogue on critical issues in contemporary security.
Given the stakes involved in achieving a correct understanding of
Russian and Chinese defense policies and military developments, the
magnitude of Mary Fitzgerald's enlightening accomplishments in this
regard becomes clear. However, the problems that we have outlined
in this volume were not unfamiliar to students of the Soviet Union.
Indeed, they are enduring strategic issues for Russian policymakers
as well as those who analyze or contribute to foreign policies
toward the Russian military, despite the magnitude of the
tremendous changes that have occurred since 1989 when the Soviet
empire began to collapse. Even more importantly, Mary and her
colleagues recognized that the issues outlined here are not just
tasks relevant for the general study of Russia, but by addressing
these strategic issues, and their underlying implications,
policymakers will engage in the essential tasks necessary for the
creation of an enduring structure of peace.
These papers represent the first in a series of papers taken from
the Strategic Studies Institute's (SSI) fourth annual Russia
conference that took place at SSI's headquarters in Carlisle, PA,
on September 26-27, 2011. As such, they also are part of our
on-going effort to make sense of and clarify developments in
Russia. The three papers presented here offer attempts to
characterize first of all, the nature of the state; second, the
prospects for economic reform within that state-perhaps the most
pressing domestic issue and one with considerable spillover into
defense and security agendas as well-in contemporary Russia; and
third, the nature and lasting effects of the defense reform that
began in 2008. The papers are forthright and pull no punches,
though we certainly do not claim that they provide the last or
definitive word on these subjects.
Although Russian observers believe that Washington imposed
sanctions in Russian arms sellers and producers because of these
firms' arms sales to Venezuela. Sales to such dangerous states
oblige us to analyze the Russian defense export program and the
structure of its defense industry. Until now, that industry would
have collapsed without arms sales. Arms sales thus have become the
main source of its reveneue until the present and will play a key
role in Russia's ongoing attempt to regenerate its armed forces
while winning friends and influence abroad.
The war in Afghanistan has added considerably to the strategic
significance of Central Asia due to its proximity to the conflict.
Moreover, the continuation of the war increasingly involves the
vital interests of many other actors other than the U.S. and NATO
forces currently there. This monograph, taken from SSI's conference
with European and Russian scholars in 2010, provides a
comprehensive analysis of the means and objectives of Russia's
involvement in Central Asia. It also provides Russian perspectives
concerning the other actors in Central Asia and how Moscow views
the policy significance of those efforts.
These three papers represent the third monograph to come out of the
SSI-U.S. State Department conference "Contemporary issues in
International Security," that took place at the Finnish Embassy in
Washington, DC, on January 25-26, 2010. This monograph consists of
three deeply probing essays into the genesis of Russia's 2010
defense doctrine, the political struggle behind it, and the actual
content of the doctrine. They reveal a highly politicized minefield
of struggle comprising leading actors in the military, the
government, and in Russian security policy as a whole. They duly
illuminate the ongoing struggles between and among these sets of
military and civilian elites and therefore cast a shining light on
critical aspects of Russian policy that all too often are left in
darkness. They are essential to any understanding of Russian
defense and security policy as well as the nature of the
relationship between the Russian military and the government and
the way in which these actors formulate key policy statements and
resolve pressing political issues.
The essays gathered here represent a panel at SSI's annual Russia
conference in 2011. They focus on the analysis of Russian foreign
policy both on its material side or actual conduct as well as on
the cognitive bases of Russian thinking about international affairs
and Russian national security. They span much of the gamut of that
foreign policy and also show its strong linkages to the Russian
historical tradition and to the imperatives of Russian domestic
development.
President Sapirmurat Niyazov, the all-powerful leader of
Turkmenistan, suddenly died on December 21, 2006. Because Central
Asia is a cockpit of great power rivalry and a potential theater in
the Global War on Terrorism, no sooner had Niyazov died than the
great powers were all in Turkmenistan seeking to influence its
future policies away from the neutrality that had been Niyazov's
policy. Turkmenistan's importance lies almost exclusively in its
large natural gas holdings and proximity to the Caspian Sea and
Iran. Because energy is regarded as a strategic asset as much if
not more than as a mere lubricant or commodity, Russia, Iran,
China, and the United States have all been visibly engaged in
competition for influence there. The outcome of this competition
and of the domestic struggle for power will have repercussions
throughout Central Asia, if not beyond. The author shows the
linkage between energy and security policies in Central Asia and in
the policies of the major powers towards Central Asia. Beyond this
analysis, he provides recommendations for U.S. policymakers as to
how they should conduct themselves in this complex situation.
The Arctic has returned with a vengeance as an area of
international contention. Beginning in 2007, Russia has continued
to make aggressive moves and claims regarding territory in the
Arctic Ocean. These moves undoubtedly have been prompted by global
climate change and the importance of energy, with which Russia
believes the Arctic is lavishly supplied. These moves apparently
were intended to compel other Arctic states, like Norway, to come
to terms with Russia. Nonetheless, the tendency to invoke military
and security issues and instruments in this region of the world
continues apace. These essays, taken from SSI's 2010 conference on
Russia, fully explore the Russian and international competition for
influence and rights over the exploration and commercial
exploitation of the Arctic.
While the Cold War is long past, the importance of arms control in
Russo-American relations and the related issue of nuclear weapons
for Russia remain vital concerns. Indeed, without an appreciation
of the multiple dimensions of the latter, progress in the former
domain is inconceivable. With this in mind, following essays
explore many, if not all, of the issues connected with Russia's
relatively greater reliance on nuclear weapons for its security. As
such, they constitute an important contribution to the analysis of
the Obama administration's reset policy, Russo-American relations,
Russian foreign and defense policy, and international security in
both Europe and Asia. Additionally, questions concerning the
approach taken by other nuclear power nations in reference to the
arms control agenda provide a crucial backdrop for the progress
toward curbing the proliferation of nuclear weapons, a
long-standing central goal of U.S. security policy.
This book presents several essays analyzing Russia's extensive
nuclear agenda and the issues connected with it. It deals with
strategy, doctrine, European, Eurasian, and East Asian security
agendas, as well as the central U.S.-Russia nuclear and arms
control equations. This work brings together American, European,
and Russian analysts to discuss Russia's defense and conventional
forces reforms and their impact on nuclear forces, doctrine,
strategy, and the critical issues of Russian security policies
toward the United States, Europe, and China. It also deals directly
with the present and future roles of nuclear weapons in Russian
defense policy and strategy.
Given the stakes involved in achieving a correct understanding of
Russian and Chinese defense policies and military developments, the
magnitude of Mary Fitzgerald's enlightening accomplishments in this
regard becomes clear. However, the problems that we have outlined
in this volume were not unfamiliar to students of the Soviet Union.
Indeed, they are enduring strategic issues for Russian policymakers
as well as those who analyze or contribute to foreign policies
toward the Russian military, despite the magnitude of the
tremendous changes that have occurred since 1989 when the Soviet
empire began to collapse. Even more importantly, Mary and her
colleagues recognized that the issues outlined here are not just
tasks relevant for the general study of Russia, but by addressing
these strategic issues, and their underlying implications,
policymakers will engage in the essential tasks necessary for the
creation of an enduring structure of peace. Mary Fitzgerald made
many contributions to the national security field over the course
of the years through her close reading of the writings of Soviet
and Russian military officers. Particularly useful was her focus on
those of Soviet military theorists who put forward forecasts of
future warfare and the impact of technology on warfare. These
Russian reviews deserved respect and study; Mary's work made this
possible. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, it became easier
to meet with and talk with a number of these Soviet officers so as
to explore more fully their thinking and the continuing development
of their ideas about future warfare, and the likely direction of
the military revolution they had begun writing about in the late
1970s. Organizing meetings with them was greatly aided by Mary
because of the good relations she had developed with several of
these officers, who liked her as a person and were flattered that
she had been so careful a reader of their writings. Strategic
Studies Institute.
As NATO and the United States proceed to withdraw their forces from
Afghanistan, the inherent and preexisting geopolitical, security,
and strategic challenges in Central Asia become ever more apparent.
The rivalry among the great powers: the United States, China,
Russia, India, and others to a lesser degree, are all becoming
increasingly more visible as a key factor that will shape this
region after the allied withdrawal from Afghanistan. The papers
collected here, presented at SSI's annual conference on Russia in
2012, go far to explaining what the agenda for that rivalry is and
how it is likely to influence regional trends after 2013.
Therefore, these papers provide a vital set of insights into an
increasingly critical area of international politics and security,
especially as it is clear that the United States is reducing, but
not totally withdrawing, its military establishment in Afghanistan
and is seeking to consolidate long-term relationships with Central
Asian states. Accordingly, these papers provide assessments of
Sino-Russian rivalry, the U.S.-Russian rivalry, and a neglected but
critical topic-Chinese military capability for action in Central
Asia. All of these issues are essential for any informed analysis
of the future of Central Asian security, as well as relations among
the great powers in Central Asia.
It is obvious that U.S.-Russian relations and East-West relations
more broadly have recently deteriorated. Yet analyses of why this
is the case have often been confined to American policy. The author
examines some of the key strategic issues at stake in this
relationship and traces that decline to Russian factors which have
been overlooked or neglected. At the same time, he has devoted
considerable time to recording some of the shortcomings of U.S.
policy and recommending a way out of the growing impasse
confronting both sides.
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