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This report is the product of the U.S. Army War College's (USAWC)
inaugural Integrated Research Project (IRP) on "U.S.-China
Competition: Asia-Pacific Land Force Implications." It addresses a
Chief of Staff, Army priority research topic and was sponsored by
the U.S. Army Pacific and the Headquarters, Department of the Army,
Directorate of Strategy and Policy (HQDA G-35). The report resulted
from a whole-of-War-College effort. Core curriculum and regional
elective studies augmented student research and facilitated
analysis. The Center for Strategic Leadership hosted an
implementation workshop to solicit subject matter expertise on
recommendations and implementation plans. Faculty from across the
USAWC supported the analytical debate, mentored student
participants, and reviewed the written contributions. Additionally,
the USAWC team engaged in extensive dialogue with senior military
leaders, both in theater and at Carlisle Barracks, to explore
issues and develop recommendations.
In the aftermath of the ousting of dictatorial regimes in 2011, the
fragile political and security situations in Tunisia and Libya have
contributed to the emergence of new threats that menace the
stability of both countries and of their neighbors. Severe
terrorist incidents have become frequent throughout the region. To
name but one incident, the borders that Algeria shares with those
two countries exposed it to a major terrorist attack on the
Tiguentourine gas facility in January 2013. The existence and
recognition of common threats has prompted military-to-military
cooperation among most, but not all, North African countries.
Algeria, a country with a sizable military capability, has started
working closely with its neighbor countries to reduce terrorist
threats. Over the last 3 years, Algeria and Tunisia in particular
have intensified their military cooperation to tackle terrorist
groups in Tunisia and fight against illicit trafficking across
their respective borders.
The Middle East and North Africa region has been one of the world's
most unstable areas since World War II, and yet, the nations of the
region have failed to develop any form of security architecture.
The Arab Spring and its aftermath seemed to have opened a window of
opportunity for certain Arab states to cooperate more-but how and
to what extent remain to be seen. This Letort Paper explains why
the region has struggled so far to establish cooperative security,
and what obstacles need to be overcome on the way to a system akin
to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Unless they are
addressed, every new announcement of an alliance-be it of Arab,
Islamic, Gulf, or other nature-will remain a pie in the sky. Just
as the international community is yet again considering such an
architecture-perhaps even including Iran-this idea and its
implementation are more important than ever.
This monograph is an audit of the policies pursued by the Obama
Administration in support of the so-called "pivot to Asia." After
explaining why U.S. President Barack Obama chose to accord top
priority to the Indo-Asia-Pacific (IAP) region, Dr. Douglas T.
Stuart discusses the diplomatic, information, military, and
economic instruments of power, which were available to Washington
to accomplish its goals. Dr. Stuart notes that the United States
faced some unique problems in its efforts to rely upon diplomacy,
public information, and economics to gain influence in the region.
Under these circumstances, Washington drew upon its substantial
regional military presence as the foundation for its pivot
campaign. Dr. Stuart discusses both the strengths and weaknesses of
the so-called San Francisco network of U.S.-sponsored security
relationships with key regional governments.
Sponsored by the Army Capabilities Integration Center and in
collaboration with the Joint Staff's Deputy Directorate for Global
Operations (Strategic Multi-Layer Assessment Branch), this report
examines the emergence of gray zone competition and conflict as
important pacers for U.S. defense strategy. The authors argue that
gray zone challenges are unique defense-relevant issues sharing
three common characteristics-hybridity, menace to defense and
military convention, and profound and paralyzing risk-confusion.
This report and its authors offer an important opening venture into
a vexing strategic question for senior defense and military
leadership on the subject of gray zone threats. Namely, how can the
American defense enterprise adjust to an era of relentless
revisionist and rejectionist opposition to U.S. power? On the one
hand, purposeful U.S. competitors pursue meaningful revision of the
U.S.-led status quo through campaign-quality combinations of
influence, intimidation, coercion, and aggression.
The Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) was once focused on
China's immediate periphery. The PLA Navy had no "blue water" naval
capabilities and very limited combat logistics support. The Air
Force could not fly long-distance missions overwater or operate
effectively in conjunction with the Navy or naval air forces; nor
could it coordinate joint, precision strikes with the missiles of
the Second Artillery. Land forces, meanwhile, could move
effectively within China by rail, and could operate on China's
periphery, but were neither capable of nor equipped for
long-distance force projection. Dr. Larry M. Wortzel's Letort Paper
analyzes a body of literature that provides internal critiques of
PLA capabilities. He starts with an analysis of the book
Long-Distance Operations, by a strategist from the Academy of
Military Science of the Chinese PLA, published in 2007.
Several years ago, as the primary focus of U.S. military strategy
shifted to the western Pacific region, many respected authorities
began to question the relevance of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO) in modern world events. More recent events,
such as the Russian Federation's annexation of Crimea, have given
policy makers pause to question the wisdom of anticipated force
cuts in Europe. Amidst this turmoil, the staffs of U.S. European
Command and U.S. Army Europe have been establishing and refining
their capabilities to conduct military operations in and through
the cyberspace realm. If indeed the decision is made to pursue
military action in cyberspace, what capabilities are available
within NATO forces to accomplish such activities? What
organization, doctrine, and methods would guide operators who
perform such actions? In this monograph, Mr. Jeffrey Caton explores
these questions within the broader context of the continued
evolution of the NATO Alliance.
As India rises in the international system, its foreign and defense
policies are attaining greater influence in shaping global
security. This Letort Paper explores Indian nuclear policy
approaches and views, and makes a major contribution to our
understanding of this factor of growing significance in Asian
security. India's nuclear arsenal development is generating new
technical options for its nuclear strategy. India is developing
intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM)-range Agni-V and Agni-VI
ballistic missiles, and is claiming that these will be able to host
multiple nuclear warheads. It is also building a new generation of
short-range and potentially nuclear-capable ballistic missiles, and
fielding an indigenous naval nuclear force. However, as these
advancements interact with those of India's strategic rivals, China
and Pakistan, they threaten to blur nuclear thresholds and elevate
the risk of inadvertent nuclear escalation due to misperception.
For the U.S. Armed Forces, and militaries throughout the world,
non-traditional missions have become an increasingly important part
of the range of operations that they are called on to conduct. In
the Western Hemisphere, one of the most prominent examples has been
the involvement of Central American armed forces in the fight
against transnational organized crime groups and violent street
gangs such as Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and Barrio 18 (B-18). The
longterm propriety of employing the military in what is, at its
core, a law enforcement role, continues to be a subject of debate
not only in Central America, but also throughout Latin America and
the Caribbean, and elsewhere in the world. Nonetheless, in the face
of the inadequacy of law enforcement institutions to meet the
challenge, because of its magnitude, lack of resources, corruption,
and other shortcomings in law enforcement institutions, elected
leaders across the ideological spectrum in Honduras, as well as
neighboring El Salvador and Nicaragua...
For years, the Israel-Turkey partnership was believed to be an
anchor of stability in the troubled Middle East. For the United
States the two regional players were supposed to pave the way to a
regional system, but the collapse of their bilateral relation over
the last years has put an end to these expectations. As a result of
this crisis between Ankara and Jerusalem, the competition in the
East Mediterranean region evolved significantly. Whereas Turkey
increased its inflammatory rhetoric against Israel, the latter
counterbalanced Turkey's position by strengthening ties with two
rivals of Ankara: Greece and Cyprus. As Jean-Loup Samaan explains
in this Letort Paper, these power plays have major ramifications.
The perilous zero-sum game which is taking place in the
Mediterranean impacts bilateral relations between all the
stakeholders, not only at the military but at the economic level as
well. It also jeopardizes the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO) policies in the region...
Although different U.S. Presidential administrations often face
differing national security challenges, one element common to all
American Presidents is the desire for policy options when it comes
to managing those challenges. Options provide room for maneuver
strategically, operationally, and politically. In this monograph,
the U.S. Army War College's Dr. John R. Deni argues that some
persistent biases and some more recent trends in defense strategy,
planning, and budgeting are likely to have the effect of reducing
the options available to current and future senior U.S. leaders.
The papers included here, except for the editor's introduction, all
come from the Strategic Studies Institute's annual conference on
Russia in May 2012. In one way or another, they all point to the
internal pathologies that render Russian security a precarious
affair, at the best of times. As the editor suggests, the very fact
of this precariousness makes Russia an inherently unpredictable and
even potentially dangerous actor, not necessarily because it will
actively attack its neighbors, though we certainly cannot exclude
that possibility, but rather because it may come apart trying to
play the role of a great power in Eurasia or elsewhere. As we all
know, that outcome happened in 1917 and in 1989-91, with profound
implications for international security and U.S. interests.
There is no word or phrase more important and essential to the
national security community than "strategy." In this monograph, Dr.
Tami Davis Biddle argues that, while most of us have a sense of
what the word means, we do not always fully appreciate all that it
entails and all that it demands of us. Indeed, she argues that
because strategy is so difficult on so many levels, we must not
delude ourselves into believing that it can be practiced in any
idealized form. But she insists that in situations where lives are
at stake, we have a moral obligation to do all we can to meet the
wide array of challenges we must face as we devise and implement
strategies (and grand strategies) to achieve desired political
ends. Dr. Biddle begins her monograph with a close examination of
the terms "strategy" and "grand strategy." Relying on a wide body
of literature by historians, political scientists, and
practitioners, she examines the reasons why political actors adopt
strategies and grand strategies...
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