First published in 2002. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.

b /b b i Capitalism, Culture and Decline in Britain /i /b is an original and controversial analysis of the thesis, made familiar in recent years by Martin J. Wiener, Anthony Sampson, Correlli Barnett, and others, which states that Britain's alleged economic decline since 1870 was the result of deep-seated anti-industrial factors in Britain's culture. Rubinstein argues, from a novel perspective, that Britain was never an industrial, but always a commercial/financial economy whose comparative advantage lay within that area. br br Rubinstein illustrates that the much-criticized features of Britain's class system, such as the public schools, were actually efficient instruments to enhance this competitive advantage. He closely examines Britain's cultural values and elite structures to demonstrate that these were both rational and modern, arguing that Britain's standard of living has been virtually identical to all countries whose economies have been considered more "successful." Emphasizing the central importance of London-based finance and addressing socialism, Keynesianism, and Thatcherism, b /b b i Capitalism, Culture, and Decline in /i /b b /b b i Britain /i /b presents an original and challenging contribution to this debate.

First published in 1982, this book examines anti-semitism in the Western world. The author concludes that, fringe neo-Nazi groups notwithstanding, significant anti-semitism is largely a left-wing rather than a right-wing phenomenon. He finds that Jews have reacted to this change in their situation and in attitudes towards them by making a shift to the right in most Western countries, with the major exception of the United States. Considering the contribution of Jews to socialist thought from Marx onwards and the equally lengthy history of right-wing anti-semitism, this shift is one of the most significant in Jewish history. This movement to the right is discussed in separate chapters, as is Soviet anti-semitism and the status of the State of Israel. Examined in depth are the implications of this shift in attitude for Jewish philosophy and self-identity.

It has long been argued that the Allies did little or nothing to rescue Europe's Jews. Arguing that this has been consistently misinterpreted, The Myth of Rescue states that few Jews who perished could have been saved by any action of the Allies. In his new introduction to the paperback edition, Willliam Rubinstein responds to the controversy caused by his challenging views, and considers further the question of bombing Auschwitz, which remains perhaps the most widely discussed alleged lost opportunity for saving Jews available to the Allies.

One of the most widely known and seemingly well-established aspects of the Nazi Holocaust is that the Allies did little or nothing to rescue Europe's Jews, allegedly denying refuge to those fleeing Hitler's death machine, turning their backs on pleas for help, and refusing to bomb Auschwitz and other concentration camps. In The Myth of Rescue William D Rubinstein presents the highly controversial argument that all the schemes for rescuing Jews during the Holocaust were incapable of succeeding.

First published in 1982, this book examines anti-semitism in the Western world. The author concludes that, fringe neo-Nazi groups notwithstanding, significant anti-semitism is largely a left-wing rather than a right-wing phenomenon. He finds that Jews have reacted to this change in their situation and in attitudes towards them by making a shift to the right in most Western countries, with the major exception of the United States. Considering the contribution of Jews to socialist thought from Marx onwards and the equally lengthy history of right-wing anti-semitism, this shift is one of the most significant in Jewish history. This movement to the right is discussed in separate chapters, as is Soviet anti-semitism and the status of the State of Israel. Examined in depth are the implications of this shift in attitude for Jewish philosophy and self-identity.

These volumes comprise a unique and original work which provides comprehensive biographical information on all 884 persons who left personal estates of GBP100,000 or more in Britain from 1809, when these sources begin in a usable form. GBP100,000 is the equivalent of about GBP10 million today.This work by Professor William D. Rubinstein, the leading academic expert on wealth-holding in Britain over the past two centuries, comprises a series of volumes which will provide similar information on all persons leaving GBP100,000 or more down to 1914.For every person included, accurate information is given about his or her occupation or source of wealth, parentage and family background, education, marriage, children, and heirs, religion, political involvement, and land ownership.Virtually none of this information has ever been compiled before, and this work provides a unique, accurate, and realistic of the wealthy elite in Britain during and just after the Napoleonic Wars.The picture which emerges is a surprisingly conservative one, with wealth centred not in the new industries of the Industrial Revolution, but in London, especially in the City of London, as well as in the landed aristocracy, in fortunes made in the east and west Indies, and riches derived from "Old Corruption," by government employees and placemen. The Introduction to this work provides useful summaries of the main trends.This set of volumes will be of considerable interest to economic, social, and political historians, to genealogists and family historians, and to local historians and historians of local communities.

These volumes comprise a unique and original work which provides comprehensive biographical information on all 884 persons who left personal estates of GBP100,000 or more in Britain from 1809, when these sources begin in a usable form. GBP100,000 is the equivalent of about GBP10 million today.This work by Professor William D. Rubinstein, the leading academic expert on wealth-holding in Britain over the past two centuries, comprises a series of volumes which will provide similar information on all persons leaving GBP100,000 or more down to 1914.For every person included, accurate information is given about his or her occupation or source of wealth, parentage and family background, education, marriage, children, and heirs, religion, political involvement, and land ownership.Virtually none of this information has ever been compiled before, and this work provides a unique, accurate, and realistic of the wealthy elite in Britain during and just after the Napoleonic Wars.The picture which emerges is a surprisingly conservative one, with wealth centred not in the new industries of the Industrial Revolution, but in London, especially in the City of London, as well as in the landed aristocracy, in fortunes made in the east and west Indies, and riches derived from "Old Corruption," by government employees and placemen. The Introduction to this work provides useful summaries of the main trends.This set of volumes will be of considerable interest to economic, social, and political historians, to genealogists and family historians, and to local historians and historians of local communities.

A new paperback edition of the well-known study by the leading international expert on wealth formation and the wealthy in the 19th and 20th centuries in Britain. It is the first book by a historian to analyse who were the very rich. Until very recently surprisingly little was known on this beyond anecdotes and stereotypical impressions. The revelatory study is largely based on a detailed, comprehensive analysis of the probate records of wealth at death, and on income tax and other objective sources. From these has been built up a full picture of the occupations, social origins and career patterns of the very rich in Britain since the early 19th century. The study includes both businessmen and great landowners. This edition also includes chapters on the wealthy in Britain in the more recent period 1940-80.

Beyond the Dreams of Avarice offers analysis of who were the very rich, and how did this change over the past 250 years? How did the rich respond to the poor during the nineteenth century? How did the rich class contract, due to high taxation, between about 1920 and 1965? Why are levels of wealth reaching unprecedented figures today? Why was London more important in wealth generation than the north of England? Who was a "self-made man" (or woman), and what was the role of inherited wealth? Were Britain's elite groups based largely on money, as in the United States? How do the rich in Britain compare with the rich in America and Europe?

An interpretation of the social and political structure of Victorian Britain. Arguing from an original and cohesive framework, it examines the period by looking at the three separate elites in British society: the aristocracy; the London-based commercial, financial and professional elite; and the northern manufacturing elite. It covers all the central issues and events between 1815 and 1906. This is the fourth volume in Arnold's series on the political and social history of Britain.