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With a focus on providing concrete teaching strategies for
scholars, the Handbook on Teaching and Learning in Political
Science and International Relations blends both theory and practice
in an accessible and clear manner. In an effort to help faculty
excel as classroom teachers, the expert contributors offer
representation from various types of institutions located
throughout the world. Split into three distinct parts, this book
discusses: - curriculum and course design - teaching subject areas
- in class teaching techniques This important Handbook is an
essential guide for anyone looking to teach political science and
international relations at the university level. Contributors: V.
Asal, E.A. Bennion, E. Berndtson, J.L. Bernstein, A. Blair, M.A.
Boyer, A. Broscheid, M. Brown, F. Buckley, J. Craig, B. Gentry, R.
Glazier, K. Hamann, J. Hamner, C. Harris, J. Ishiyama, K. Kas, B.
Kauffman, K. King, C. Leston-Bandeira, S. Lightfoot, J.K. Lobasz,
D. Malet, M.P. Marks, H. Maurer, E.F.Mcclellan, W.J. Miller, M.J.
Moore, E.A. Oldmixon, A. Paczynska, G. Pleschova, C. Raymond, E.
Richards, B.E. Ricks, R.G. Rodriguez, J.S. Rofe, J.M. Scott, E.
Sheppard, E.Simon, B. Smentkowski, E.T. Smith, J.C. Strachan, P.E.
Sum, S. Thornton, S. Usherwood, B. Valeriano, W.L. Watson
With a focus on providing concrete teaching strategies for
scholars, the Handbook on Teaching and Learning in Political
Science and International Relations blends both theory and practice
in an accessible and clear manner. In an effort to help faculty
excel as classroom teachers, the expert contributors offer
representation from various types of institutions located
throughout the world. Split into three distinct parts, this book
discusses: - curriculum and course design - teaching subject areas
- in class teaching techniques This important Handbook is an
essential guide for anyone looking to teach political science and
international relations at the university level. Contributors: V.
Asal, E.A. Bennion, E. Berndtson, J.L. Bernstein, A. Blair, M.A.
Boyer, A. Broscheid, M. Brown, F. Buckley, J. Craig, B. Gentry, R.
Glazier, K. Hamann, J. Hamner, C. Harris, J. Ishiyama, K. Kas, B.
Kauffman, K. King, C. Leston-Bandeira, S. Lightfoot, J.K. Lobasz,
D. Malet, M.P. Marks, H. Maurer, E.F.Mcclellan, W.J. Miller, M.J.
Moore, E.A. Oldmixon, A. Paczynska, G. Pleschova, C. Raymond, E.
Richards, B.E. Ricks, R.G. Rodriguez, J.S. Rofe, J.M. Scott, E.
Sheppard, E.Simon, B. Smentkowski, E.T. Smith, J.C. Strachan, P.E.
Sum, S. Thornton, S. Usherwood, B. Valeriano, W.L. Watson
The 2012 Republican nomination process went on longer than most
pundits predicted early on. While Mitt Romney began the season as
the prohibitive favorite, he was tested repeatedly by what was
seemingly the Republican flavor of the week (including Michele
Bachmann, Herman Cain, Rick Perry, Newt Gingrich, and Rick
Santorum). The sheer number of candidates who were viewed as
legitimate contenders demonstrate the fundamental concern facing
Republicans moving forward: a fractured party. The pro-business,
Tea Party, and evangelical Christian wings disagreed in 2010 on who
would provide the best alternative to Democratic President Barack
Obama and as a result created a crippling nomination period. By the
time Romney was able to claim victory, he was severely wounded
after countless attacks from his fellow Republicans. To this
internal discontent, we can also add the changing national
demographics that could lead to electoral problems for Republicans
in their own right. Consider that Mitt Romney did better with
older, white male voters than John McCain had. Unfortunately, the
share of the national vote for this demographic decreased from 2008
to 2012. As Rand Paul stated recently, the time has come for
Republicans to reach out to individuals who do not fit the
stereotyped Republican image if they have any hope of being
successful. In this volume, we assess how the 2012 GOP nomination
cycle is indicative of just how the Republican Party has become, in
the words of pundit Cuck Warren, a "Mad Men Party in a Modern
Family World."
The 2012 Republican nomination process went on longer than most
pundits predicted early on. While Mitt Romney began the season as
the prohibitive favorite, he was tested repeatedly by what was
seemingly the Republican flavor of the week (including Michele
Bachmann, Herman Cain, Rick Perry, Newt Gingrich, and Rick
Santorum). The sheer number of candidates who were viewed as
legitimate contenders demonstrate the fundamental concern facing
Republicans moving forward: a fractured party. The pro-business,
Tea Party, and evangelical Christian wings disagreed in 2010 on who
would provide the best alternative to Democratic President Barack
Obama and as a result created a crippling nomination period. By the
time Romney was able to claim victory, he was severely wounded
after countless attacks from his fellow Republicans. To this
internal discontent, we can also add the changing national
demographics that could lead to electoral problems for Republicans
in their own right. Consider that Mitt Romney did better with
older, white male voters than John McCain had. Unfortunately, the
share of the national vote for this demographic decreased from 2008
to 2012. As Rand Paul stated recently, the time has come for
Republicans to reach out to individuals who do not fit the
stereotyped Republican image if they have any hope of being
successful. In this volume, we assess how the 2012 GOP nomination
cycle is indicative of just how the Republican Party has become, in
the words of pundit Cuck Warren, a "Mad Men Party in a Modern
Family World."
John Engler, former Governor of Michigan, once claimed that
redistricting is one of the purest actions a legislative body can
take. Academicians and political leaders alike, however, have
regularly debated the ideal way by to redistrict national and state
legislatures. Rather than being the pure process that Governor
Engler envisioned, redistricting has led to repeated court battles
waged on such traditional democratic values as one person, one
vote, and minority rights. Instead of being an opportunity to help
ensure maximum representation for the citizens, the process has
become a cat and mouse game in many states with citizen
representation seemingly the farthest idea from anyone's mind. From
a purely political perspective, those in power in the state
legislature at the time of redistricting largely act like they have
unilateral authority to do as they please. In this volume,
contributors discuss why such an assumption is concerning in the
modern political environment.
The go-to source on campaign management for nearly two decades is
now updated to cover the latest in contemporary campaign expertise
from general strategy to voter contact to the future of political
campaigns. Political campaigning reinvents itself at a furious
pace. This highly respected text recounts the evolution of modern
campaign management and shares strategies and tactics common to
American elections. Informed by the practical political experience
of three scholarly authors, the book weaves important academic
perspectives with insights garnered from close observation of
electoral practice. The fifth edition lays out the foundations of
modern campaign management, going on to explore critical steps in
running a "new style" campaign. Using fresh stories and recent
research, the book follows American electioneering from the
planning stages through Election Day and concludes with a view to
the future of political campaigning. Critical updates examine the
Tea Party movement, new political technologies, advances (and
challenges) in opinion polling and field experimentation, and
increasing polarization within the American electorate. New
material includes an exploration of the Super PACs and
non-candidate campaigns that are changing the strategic context of
American elections. Updates readers on rapidly evolving campaign
strategy and tactics Offers the ideal balance between practical
perspectives and scholarly literature Includes fresh information on
political polarization, strategic technologies, and online tools,
along with coverage of the debate between advocates of ballot
access and voter integrity Examines non-candidate players such as
Super PACs and educational non-profits
John Engler, former Governor of Michigan, once claimed that
redistricting is one of the purest actions a legislative body can
take. Academicians and political leaders alike, however, have
regularly debated the ideal way by to redistrict national and state
legislatures. Rather than being the pure process that Governor
Engler envisioned, redistricting has led to repeated court battles
waged on such traditional democratic values as one person, one
vote, and minority rights. Instead of being an opportunity to help
ensure maximum representation for the citizens, the process has
become a cat and mouse game in many states with citizen
representation seemingly the farthest idea from anyone's mind. From
a purely political perspective, those in power in the state
legislature at the time of redistricting largely act like they have
unilateral authority to do as they please. In this volume,
contributors discuss why such an assumption is concerning in the
modern political environment.
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