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The courts use the proportionality test to assess the Convention-compatibility of the full range of government action, from administrative decisions to primary legislation. In applying the test, the courts are often conscious of the need to pay some deference to the expertise and competence of other branches of government. This rigorous analysis of the relationship between proportionality and deference under the Human Rights Act sets out a model of proportionality, drawn from existing case law, which integrates deference within the multi-stage proportionality test. The model is 'institutionally sensitive' and can be applied to proportionality-based judicial review of all forms of government activity. The model is shown in operation in three fields that span the full range of government activity: immigration (administrative action), criminal justice (legislation) and housing (multi-level decisions).
This is the first book that focuses on the entrenched, fundamental divergence between the Hong Kong Court of Final Appeal and Macau's Tribunal de Ultima Instancia over their constitutional jurisprudence, with the former repeatedly invalidating unconstitutional legislation with finality and the latter having never challenged the constitutionality of legislation at all. This divergence is all the more remarkable when considered in the light of the fact that the two Regions, commonly subject to oversight by China's authoritarian Party-state, possess constitutional frameworks that are nearly identical; feature similar hybrid regimes; and share a lot in history, ethnicity, culture, and language. Informed by political science and economics, this book breaks new ground by locating the cause of this anomaly, studied within the universe of authoritarian constitutionalism, not in the common law-civil law differences between these two former European dependencies, but the disparate levels of political transaction costs therein.
How have generations of Americans debated and shaped the constitutional meanings of liberty, equality, justice, and "We, the people"? What roles have engaged citizens and social movements played in effecting transformative constitutional change? These questions are at the heart of Elizabeth Beaumont's lucid and compelling study. In The Civic Constitution, she traces four crucial eras of constitutional dispute and reinvention: the revolutionaries who catalyzed the Declaration of Independence and first state constitutions; the antifederalists and other critics who influenced the national Constitution and Bill of Rights; the abolitionists who paved the way for the Reconstruction Amendments; and the suffragists whose battles provoked the Nineteenth Amendment. Beaumont argues that these groups should be recognized as civic founders-and co-founders-of the U.S. Constitution. Through newspaper broadsides, petitions, convention speeches, sermons, boycotts, and protests, these men and women worked to redefine fundamental law. Challenging established authority, they advocated vital new understandings of popular self-governance, rights, liberties, and citizenship. Indeed, though their roles are often overlooked in contemporary debates, these civic reformers not only shaped the legal text and terms of modern constitutionalism, but reconstructed the meaning of civic membership, in terms of both norms and fundamental commitments. The Civic Constitution is a sweeping work of reinterpretation that speaks to students of American politics, history, and law. This richly documented study offers a keener understanding of the Constitution and a more profound perception of civic identity and democracy itself.
The updated paperback edition of HATE dispels misunderstandings plaguing our perennial debates about "hate speech vs. free speech," showing that the First Amendment approach promotes free speech and democracy, equality, and societal harmony. As "hate speech" has no generally accepted definition, we hear many incorrect assumptions that it is either absolutely unprotected or absolutely protected from censorship. Rather, U.S. law allows government to punish hateful or discriminatory speech in specific contexts when it directly causes imminent serious harm. Yet, government may not punish such speech solely because its message is disfavored, disturbing, or vaguely feared to possibly contribute to some future harm. "Hate speech" censorship proponents stress the potential harms such speech might further: discrimination, violence, and psychic injuries. However, there has been little analysis of whether censorship effectively counters the feared injuries. Citing evidence from many countries, this book shows that "hate speech" are at best ineffective and at worst counterproductive. Therefore, prominent social justice advocates worldwide maintain that the best way to resist hate and promote equality is not censorship, but rather, vigorous "counterspeech" and activism.
Constitutionalism has become a byword for legitimate government, but is it fated to lose its relevance as constitutional states relinquish power to international institutions? This book evaluates the extent to which constitutionalism, as an empirical idea and normative ideal, can be adapted to institutions beyond the state by surveying the sophisticated legal and political system of the European Union. Having originated in a series of agreements between states, the EU has acquired important constitutional features like judicial review, protections for individual rights, and a hierarchy of norms. Nonetheless, it confounds traditional models of constitutional rule to the extent that its claim to authority rests on the promise of economic prosperity and technocratic competence rather than on the democratic will of citizens. Critically appraising the European Union and its legal system, this book proposes the idea of 'functional constitutionalism' to describe this distinctive configuration of public power. Although the EU is the most advanced instance of functional constitutionalism to date, understanding this pragmatic mode of constitutional authority is essential for assessing contemporary international economic governance.
Casinos are often used by political economists, and popular commentators, to think critically about capitalism. Bingo - an equal chance numbers game played in many parts of the world - is overlooked in these conversations about gambling and political economy. Bingo Capitalism challenges that omission by asking what bingo in England and Wales can teach us about capitalism and the regulation of everyday gambling economies. The book draws on official records of parliamentary debate, case law, regulations and in-depth interviews with both bingo players and workers to offer the first socio-legal account of this globally significant and immensely popular pastime. It explores the legal and political history of bingo and how gender shapes, and is shaped by, diverse state rules on gambling. It also sheds light on the regulation of workers, players, products, places, and technologies. In so doing it adds a vital new dimension to accounts of UK gambling law and regulation. Through Bingo Capitalism, Bedford makes a key theoretical contribution to our understanding of the relationship between gambling and political economy, showing the role of the state in supporting and then eclipsing environments where gambling played a key role as mutual aid. In centring the regulatory entanglement between vernacular play forms, self-organised membership activity, and corporate leisure experiences, she offers a fresh vision of gambling law from the everyday perspective of bingo.
An eye-opening, meticulously researched new perspective on the influences that shaped the Founders as well as the nation's founding document From one election cycle to the next, a defining question continues to divide the country's political parties: Should the government play a major or a minor role in the lives of American citizens? The Declaration of Independence has long been invoked as a philosophical treatise in favor of limited government. Yet the bulk of the document is a discussion of policy, in which the Founders outlined the failures of the British imperial government. Above all, they declared, the British state since 1760 had done too little to promote the prosperity of its American subjects. Looking beyond the Declaration's frequently cited opening paragraphs, Steve Pincus reveals how the document is actually a blueprint for a government with extensive powers to promote and protect the people's welfare. By examining the Declaration in the context of British imperial debates, Pincus offers a nuanced portrait of the Founders' intentions with profound political implications for today.
Should prisoners have voting rights? Should terminally ill patients have a right to assisted suicide? Should same-sex couples have a right to marry and adopt? The book examines how such questions can be resolved within the framework of the European Convention of Human Rights. 'European consensus' is a tool of interpretation used by the European Court of Human Rights as a means to identify evolution in the laws and practices of national legal systems when addressing morally sensitive or politically controversial human rights questions. If European consensus exists, the Court can establish new human rights standards that will be binding across European states. The chapters of the book are structured around three themes: a) conceptualisation of European consensus, its modus operandi and its effects; b) critical evaluation of its legitimacy and of its outputs; c) comparison with similar methods of judicial interpretation in other legal systems.
Since the election of President Donald Trump, the Twenty-Fifth Amendment to the Constitution-covering presidential incapacity-has been a frequent topic of public discussion. Meanwhile, Section 4 has become a mainstay in television dramas, which usually represents it inaccurately. The country needs this complicated but essential topic explained.Unable: The Law, Politics, and Limits of Section 4 of the Twenty-Fifth Amendment is designed to educate and inform the public about Section 4 in an evenhanded and accessible way. This book is not about President Trump; it offers no opinions on his fitness for office. By the end of the book, though, it will be clear how Section 4 applies to him, as well as to any other president.
Constitutions divide into those that provide for a constitutionally protected set of rights, where courts can strike down legislation, and those where rights are protected predominantly by parliament, where courts can interpret legislation to protect rights, but cannot strike down legislation. The UK's Human Rights Act 1998 is regarded as an example of a commonwealth model of rights protections. It is justified as a new form of protection of rights which promotes dialogue between the legislature and the courts - dialogue being seen not just as a better means of protecting rights, but as a new form of constitutionalism occupying a middle ground between legal and political constitutionalism. This book argues that there is no clear middle ground for dialogue to occupy, with most theories of legal and political constitutionalism combining legal and political protections, as well as providing an account of interactions between the legislature and the judiciary. Nevertheless, dialogue has a role to play. It differs from legal and political constitutionalism in terms of the assumptions on which it is based and the questions it asks. It focuses on analysing mechanisms of inter-institutional interactions, and assessing when these interactions can provide a better protection of rights, facilitate deliberation, engage citizens, and act as an effective check and balance between institutions of the constitution. This book evaluates dialogue in the UK constitution, assessing the protection of human rights through the Human Rights Act 1998, the common law, and EU law. It also evaluates court-court dialogue between the UK court, the European Court of Justice, and the European Court of Human Rights. The conclusion evaluates the implications of the proposed British Bill of Rights and the referendum decision to leave the European Union.
The European Union today stands on the brink of radical institutional and constitutional change. The most recent enlargement and proposed legal reforms reflect a commitment to democracy: stabilizing political life for citizens governed by new regimes, and constructing a European Union more accountable to civil society. Despite the perceived novelty of these reforms, this book explains (through quantitative data and qualitative case analyses) how the European Court of Justice has developed and sustained a vibrant tradition of democratic constitutionalism since the 1960s. The book documents the dramatic consequences of this institutional change for civil society and public policy reform throughout Europe. Cichowski offers detailed empirical and historical studies of gender equality and environmental protection law across fifteen countries and over thirty years, revealing important linkages between civil society, courts and the construction of governance. The findings bring into question dominant understandings of legal integration.
This book focuses on the separatist trend in Hong Kong, which it approaches by drawing on historical studies, political analysis, social studies and legal analysis. It offers a comprehensive and interdisciplinary guide to the topic, addressing the historical evolution of "Hong Kong Nativism," the theoretical connotations and fallacies of "Hong Kong Independence," and the legal measures taken to forestall it. Written by mainland scholars who approach the subject matter from a legal perspective, the book offers revealing insights for all students and researchers who are interested in Hong Kong Basic Law and the current political situation in Hong Kong.
Constitucion vigente de Colombia de 1991 con las reformas de 1993, 1995, 1996, 1997, 1999, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2003, 2004 y 2005.
La Constitucion de la Republica de Cuba de 1992 es basicamente la misma de 1976 salvo algunas modificaciones y adiciones, como el capitulo de la extranjeria, del estado de emergencia y la division politica administrativa. En ella se insiste, a pesar de la caida o desmoronamiento del sistema socialista europeo, en la irreversibilidad del caracter socialista del pais.
La Constitucion de Guaimaro fue el primer texto legal de la historia de la Cuba emancipada. Se trataba de fundar las bases de una nacion. Fue votada el 10 de abril de 1869 por los lideres de la independencia. Este texto conforma un codigo legal y un marco de actuacion juridico desde el que legitimar sus posiciones. Se ocupa de preparar un espacio de poder y legalidad que permita establecer tratados y separar el poder judicial del resto de los poderes.
Terrorism: Law and Policy provides a comprehensive socio-legal analysis of issues related to terrorist activity. Aimed at both undergraduate and postgraduate students, the book takes a comparative approach to the law related to terrorism in a number of states, mainly those in Europe, North America, Australia and New Zealand. Beginning with an examination of the background to various currently active terrorist groups, the book focuses on those groups which are currently active and which pose a threat to security, especially at the international level. The chapters take the reader through the legal definitions of terrorism contained in various states' statutory provisions and examine how the courts have interpreted terrorism in those states' jurisdictions. The main aim of any terrorist investigation is prevention and so the book examines the various statutory preventative measures that states have introduced and explores the legal issues surrounding surveillance, terrorism intelligence exchange, radicalisation, use of social media, quasi-criminal provisions, asset-freezing and the nexus between terrorist activity and organised crime. Bringing together a number of themes related to terrorism and security from a uniquely legal perspective, this book builds a comparative picture of the legal counter-terrorism interventions states are adopting to increase co-operation and adopt a more united approach in the face of the international terrorism threat.
La Constitucion de Venezuela de 1961 fue aprobada el 16 de enero de 1961 por el entonces Congreso de la Republica. Entro en vigor el 23 de enero del mismo ano en conmemoracion del retorno a la democracia en Venezuela el 23 de enero de 1958. En diciembre de 1999 este texto quedaria derogado al ser aprobado por voto popular la Constitucion de 1999.
For 30 years, Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Linda Greenhouse chronicled the activities of the U.S. Supreme Court and its justices as a correspondent for the New York Times. In this Very Short Introduction, she draws on her deep knowledge of the court's history and of its written and unwritten rules to show readers how the Supreme Court really works. Greenhouse offers a fascinating institutional biography of a place and its people-men and women who exercise great power but whose names and faces are unrecognized by many Americans and whose work often appears cloaked in mystery. How do cases get to the Supreme Court? How do the justices go about deciding them? What special role does the chief justice play? What do the law clerks do? How does the court relate to the other branches of government? Greenhouse answers these questions by depicting the justices as they confront deep constitutional issues or wrestle with the meaning of confusing federal statutes. Throughout, the author examines many individual Supreme Court cases to illustrate points under discussion, ranging from Marbury v. Madison, the seminal case which established judicial review, to the recent District of Columbia v. Heller (2008), which struck down the District of Columbia's gun-control statute and which was, surprisingly, the first time in its history that the Court issued an authoritative interpretation of the Second Amendment. To add perspective, Greenhouse also compares the Court to foreign courts, revealing interesting differences. For instance, no other country in the world has chosen to bestow life tenure on its judges. The second edition of Greenhouse's Very Short Introduction tracks the changes in the Court's makeup over the last eight years, considers the landmark decisions of the Obama and Trump eras, and reexamines the precarious fates of such precedents as Roe v. Wade. A superb overview packed with telling details, this volume offers a matchless introduction to one of the pillars of American government.
An up-to-date, all-encompassing, and nonpartisan presentation of questions and answers about the U.S. Constitution and its amendments-an invaluable tool for readers regardless of their political orientation. Readers will easily grasp the foundations and purposes of the U.S. Constitution-and the critical importance and implications of its amendments-through a series of questions and answers about constitutional topics. The work proceeds logically, covering each article, section, and amendment, explaining how each constitutional change over history affects earlier parts of the document. Created as an approachable, introductory book for high school and college students as well as general readers, The United States Constitution: Questions and Answers, Second Edition is an effective learning tool when read from start to finish, or when used to focus on and research specific constitutional provisions of interest. Its extensively updated and revised coverage since the first edition includes many key cases and serves to direct paramount attention to the constitutional document itself. Provides thoroughly revised information through the latest term of the U.S. Supreme Court Presents unique insights and perspective from the author's wide-ranging research and previous publications on the subject Ideal for students researching specific constitutional topics or engaged in academic competitions regarding the Constitution as well as general readers interested in following and better understanding contemporary political issues
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