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Does "Asian American" denote an ethnic or racial identification? Is a person of mixed ancestry, the child of Euro- and Asian American parents, Asian American? What does it mean to refer to first generation Hmong refugees and fifth generation Chinese Americans both as Asian American?
In Disoriented: Asian Americans, Law, and the Nation State, Robert Chang examines the current discourse on race and law and the implications of postmodern theory and affirmative action-all of which have largely excluded Asian Americans-in order to develop a theory of critical Asian American legal studies.
Demonstrating that the ongoing debate surrounding multiculturalism and immigration in the U.S. is really a struggle over the meaning of "America," Chang reveals how the construction of Asian American-ness has become a necessary component in stabilizing a national American identity-- a fact Chang criticizes as harmful to Asian Americans. Defining the many "borders" that operate in positive and negative ways to construct America as we know it, Chang analyzes the position of Asian Americans within America's black/white racial paradigm, how "the family" operates as a stand-in for race and nation, and how the figure of the immigrant embodies a central contradiction in allegories of America.
"Has profound political implications for race relations in the
This book contains the proceedings of the 9th Congress of the International Association of Legislation (IAL), which took place in Lisbon during June 24-25, 2010. The IAL develops the study of theoretical and practical approaches to legislation and promotes the cooperation between different countries in the area of lawmaking. The general topic of the Congress was 'quality of legislation.' The published papers debate the following issues: the essential content of quality of legislation * how legislative procedure can contribute to favor quality * the role of regulatory impact assessment * how can an optimal accessibility to legislation be realized. Furthermore, 25 papers are included which provide a valuable contribution to the enlargement of the debate on legisprudence, or more broadly to all efforts to improve legislative quality. The book also includes the abstracts of all poster sessions presented during the Congress. (Series: International Association of Legislation (IAL) / Deutsche Gesellschaft fur Gesetzgebung (DGG) - Vol. 16)
The New York Times bestselling author of The Case for Impeachment reveals the founders' biggest mistake-leaving voting rights to the discretion of individual states-and shows that gerrymandering and voter suppression have a long history. "[An] important book... [Lichtman] uses history to contextualize the fix we're in today. Each party gropes for advantage by fiddling with the franchise... Growing outrage, he thinks, could ignite demands for change. With luck, this fine history might just help to fan the flame." -New York Times Book Review Americans have fought and died for the right to vote. Yet the world's oldest continuously operating democracy guarantees no one, not even its citizens, the right to elect its leaders. For most of U.S. history, suffrage has been a privilege restricted by wealth, sex, race, residence, literacy, criminal conviction, and citizenship. Economic qualifications were finally eliminated in the nineteenth century, but the ideal of a white man's republic persisted long after that. Today, voter identification laws, registration requirements, felon disenfranchisement, and voter purges deny many millions of American citizens the opportunity to express their views at the ballot box. An award-winning historian who has testified in more than ninety voting rights cases, Allan Lichtman gives us the deep history behind today's headlines and shows that calls of voter fraud, political gerrymandering and outrageous attempts at voter suppression are nothing new. The players and the tactics have changed-we don't outright ban people from voting anymore-but the battle and the stakes remain just as high.
This book analyzes developments in the jurisprudence of the US Supreme Court in the Obama era. It follows three main threads. First, it seeks to describe and characterize the Supreme Court's jurisprudence in this period. Second, it assesses factors influencing developments in the jurisprudence. Finally, it draws broader lessons on how constitutional change works. As the oldest surviving written constitution among Western democracies, and despite having high hurdles for textual changes, the US Constitution has proved to be remarkably flexible. The main reason for this flexibility is the interpretation by the US Supreme Court. This book teases out the mechanism of how the Court manages to maintain this flexibility. Bringing together legal scholars from the United States and Europe who focus on different aspects of the Court's jurisprudence, the work consists of five parts. Part I analyzes the relationship of the Supreme Court with the democratic process. Part II deals with the jurisprudence on fundamental rights. Part III looks at constitutional aspects of international relations. Part IV offers comparative perspectives with Germany. The book provides a valuable reference for academics and researchers in constitutional law and legal history.
"Tyrannicide" uses a captivating narrative to unpack the
experiences of slavery and slave law in South Carolina and
Massachusetts during the Revolutionary Era. In 1779, during the
midst of the American Revolution, thirty- four South Carolina
slaves escaped aboard a British privateer and survived several
naval battles until the Massachusetts brig "Tyrannicide" led them
to Massachusetts. Over the next four years, the slaves became the
center of a legal dispute between the two states. The case affected
slave law and highlighted theprofound differences between how the
"terrible institution" was practiced in the North and the South, in
ways that would foreground issues eventually leading to the Civil
This is the first--and the only authorized--biography of Elbert Parr Tuttle (1897-1996), the judge who led the federal court with jurisdiction over most of the Deep South through the most tumultuous years of the civil rights revolution. By the time Tuttle became chief judge of the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, he had already led an exceptional life. He had cofounded a prestigious law firm, earned a Purple Heart in the battle for Okinawa in World War II, and led Republican Party efforts in the early 1950s to establish a viable presence in the South. But it was the inter-section of Tuttle's judicial career with the civil rights movement that thrust him onto history's stage.
When Tuttle assumed the mantle of chief judge in 1960, six years had passed since" Brown v. Board of Education" had been decided but little had changed for black southerners. In landmark cases relating to voter registration, school desegregation, access to public transportation, and other basic civil liberties, Tuttle's determination to render justice and his swift, decisive rulings neutralized the delaying tactics of diehard segregationists--including voter registrars, school board members, and governors--who were determined to preserve Jim Crow laws throughout the South.
Author Anne Emanuel maintains that without the support of the federal courts of the Fifth Circuit, the promise of Brown might have gone unrealized. Moreover, without the leadership of Elbert Tuttle and the moral authority he commanded, the courts of the Fifth Circuit might not have met the challenge.
The Civil Rights Revolution carries Bruce Ackerman's sweeping reinterpretation of constitutional history into the era beginning with Brown v. Board of Education. From Rosa Parks's courageous defiance, to Martin Luther King's resounding cadences in "I Have a Dream," to Lyndon Johnson's leadership of Congress, to the Supreme Court's decisions redefining the meaning of equality, the movement to end racial discrimination decisively changed our understanding of the Constitution. "The Civil Rights Act turns 50 this year, and a wave of fine books accompanies the semicentennial. Ackerman's is the most ambitious; it is the third volume in an ongoing series on American constitutional history called We the People. A professor of law and political science at Yale, Ackerman likens the act to a constitutional amendment in its significance to the country's legal development." -Michael O'Donnell, The Atlantic "Ackerman weaves political theory with historical detail, explaining how the civil rights movement evolved from revolution to mass movement and then to statutory law...This fascinating book takes a new look at a much-covered topic." -Becky Kennedy, Library Journal
We live more and more of our lives online; we rely on the internet as we work, correspond with friends and loved ones, and go through a multitude of mundane activities like paying bills, streaming videos, reading the news, and listening to music. Without thinking twice, we operate with the understanding that the data that traces these activities will not be abused now or in the future. There is an abstract idea of privacy that we invoke, and, concrete rules about our privacy that we can point to if we are pressed. Nonetheless, too often we are uneasily reminded that our privacy is not invulnerable-the data tracks we leave through our health information, the internet and social media, financial and credit information, personal relationships, and public lives make us continuously prey to identity theft, hacking, and even government surveillance. A great deal is at stake for individuals, groups, and societies if privacy is misunderstood, misdirected, or misused. Popular understanding of privacy doesn't match the heat the concept generates, though understandably. With a host of cultural differences as to how privacy is understood globally and in different religions, and with ceaseless technological advancements, it is an increasingly slippery and complex topic. In this clear and accessible book, Leslie and John G. Francis guide us to an understanding of what privacy can mean and why it is so important. Drawing upon their extensive joint expertise in law, philosophy, political science, regulatory policy, and bioethics, they parse the consequences of the forfeiture, however great or small, of one's privacy.
Conflict is the essence of civil liberty. Individual, or group, rights are rarely, if ever, recognized without a struggle. From the day that King John was forced at Runnymede to acknowledge that his barons had certain prerogatives, to the present era, when racial minorities, women, and gays and lesbians fight for a place at the table, the din of political, judicial, and sometimes violent battle echoes through the United States.
And yet, are the law of freedom of speech and the law of equality truly on a collision course? Henry Louis Gates, Jr., has written that the strongest argument for regulating speech is the unreflective reasoning for the other side--the tendency of those who invoke the First Amendment mantra, and seem immediately to fall into a trance, oblivious to further argument and evidence.
In an attempt to move past such rote recitations, this volume brings together such thinkers as Sylvia Law, Martin Redish, Ira Glasser, Randall Kennedy, Susan Deller Ross, and Wendy Kaminer to engage in a free-ranging conversation about this very issue. Focussing on the flashpoint topics of abortion clinic violence, workplace harassment, and hate crimes/hate speech, the contributors illustrate ways that we might get beyond the reflexivity that has dictated much of the debate around speech and equality.
American liberals and conservatives alike take for granted a progressive view of the Constitution that took root in the early twentieth century. Richard Epstein laments this complacency which, he believes, explains America's current economic malaise and political gridlock. Steering clear of well-worn debates between defenders of originalism and proponents of a living Constitution, Epstein employs close textual reading, historical analysis, and political and economic theory to urge a return to the classical liberal theory of governance that animated the framers' original text, and to the limited government this theory supports."[An] important and learned book."--Gary L. McDowell, Times Literary Supplement"Epstein has now produced a full-scale and full-throated defense of his unusual vision of the Constitution. This book is his magnum opus...Much of his book consists of comprehensive and exceptionally detailed accounts of how constitutional provisions ought to be understood...All of Epstein's particular discussions are instructive, and most of them are provocative...Epstein has written a passionate, learned, and committed book."--Cass R. Sunstein, New Republic
How and why has solidarity changed over time? Why have particular strategies, tactics, and strands of internationalism emerged or re-emerged at particular moments? And how has solidarity shaped the history of the US left in particular? In Solidarity, Steve Striffler addresses these key questions, offering the first history of US-Latin American solidarity from the Haitian Revolution to the present day. Striffler traces the history of internationalism through the Cold War, exploring the rise of human rights as the dominant current of international solidarity. He also considers the limitations of a solidarity movement today that inherited its organisational infrastructure from the human rights movements. Moving beyond conventionally ahistorical analyses of solidarity, here Striffler provides a distinctive intervention in the history of progressive politics in both the US and Latin America, the past and present of US imperialism and anti-imperialism, and the history of human rights and labour internationalism.
Can authoritarian regimes use democratic institutions to strengthen and solidify their rule? The Chinese government has legislated some of the most protective workplace laws in the world and opened up the judicial system to adjudicate workplace conflict, emboldening China's workers to use these laws. This book examines these patterns of legal mobilization, showing which workers are likely to avail themselves of these new protections and find them effective. Gallagher finds that workers with high levels of education are far more likely to claim these new rights and be satisfied with the results. However, many others, left disappointed with the large gap between law on the books and law in reality, reject the courtroom for the streets. Using workers' narratives, surveys, and case studies of protests, Gallagher argues that China's half-hearted attempt at rule of law construction undermines the stability of authoritarian rule. New workplace rights fuel workers' rising expectations, but a dysfunctional legal system drives many workers to more extreme options, including strikes, demonstrations and violence.
For most Americans today, Roe v. Wade concerns just one thing: the right to choose abortion. But the Supreme Court's decision once meant much more. The justices ruled that the right to privacy encompassed the abortion decision. Grassroots activists and politicians used Roe-and popular interpretations of it-as raw material in answering much larger questions: Is there a right to privacy? For whom, and what is protected? As Mary Ziegler demonstrates, Roe's privacy rationale attracted a wide range of citizens demanding social changes unrelated to abortion. Movements questioning hierarchies based on sexual orientation, profession, class, gender, race, and disability drew on Roe to argue for an autonomy that would give a voice to the vulnerable. So did advocates seeking expanded patient rights and liberalized euthanasia laws. Right-leaning groups also invoked Roe's right to choose, but with a different agenda: to attack government involvement in consumer protection, social welfare, racial justice, and other aspects of American life. In the 1980s, seeking to unify a fragile coalition, the Republican Party popularized the idea that Roe was a symbol of judicial tyranny, discouraging anyone from relying on the decision to frame their demands. But Beyond Abortion illuminates the untapped potential of arguments that still resonate today. By recovering the diversity of responses to Roe, and the legal and cultural battles it energized, Ziegler challenges readers to come to terms with the uncomfortable fact that privacy belongs to no party or cause.
This study explores and critiques law and law making in the nascent constitutional democracy in the new South Africa, with a focus on the complex roles of the executive, parliament, political parties, the media and civil society. The capacity and potential in the judiciary and the legal profession in promoting and protecting values and rights of equality and non-discrimination is examined. Substantive equality and non-discrimination law in theory and in practice is considered critically, from a broad historical and social context that highlights areas of race, gender, disability, harassment and hate speech, socio-economic rights, and legal services. International human rights law and comparative law aspects are skillfully interwoven in this pioneering scholarly work.
?This book tackles the issue of individual rights within the Polish constitutional system. It begins by asking why the horizontal effect of individual rights was not contemplated in Polish jurisprudence until the 1980s, and why it is not expressly addressed in the Polish Constitution despite the proposal of a relevant clause during the drafting process. Through extensive research, the author finds that the decision to abandon this clause was done on purpose, therefore nothing stands in the way of incorporating the horizontal application of constitutional rights into the framework of the Polish Constitution. The author then analyzes the regulation of individual rights and freedoms in Poland's constitution to determine whether the document covers rights or freedoms that may have a horizontal dimension. Further chapters then seek to determine what practical form the direct application of the constitution may take when examining the horizontal dimension of constitutional rights; the scope of the horizontal application of constitutional rights and the related issue of the collision of constitutional rights; and the three basic models for the horizontal operation of individual rights to determine their applicability within the Polish constitutional system. In different countries, these models are applied in a parallel and complementary manner. This book makes available to English-speaking readers the inner workings of Polish jurisprudence and their effect on individual rights legislation beyond the boundaries of Poland.
Levinson argues that too many of our Constitution's provisions
promote either unjust or ineffective government. Under the existing
blueprint, we can neither rid ourselves of incompetent presidents
nor assure continuity of government following catastrophic attacks.
Less important, perhaps, but certainly problematic, is the
appointment of Supreme Court judges for life. Adding insult to
injury, the United States Constitution is the most difficult to
amend or update of any constitution currently existing in the world
today. Democratic debate leaves few stones unturned, but we tend to
take our basic constitutional structures for granted. Levinson
boldly challenges the American people to undertake a long overdue
public discussion on how they might best reform this most hallowed
document and construct a constitution adequate to our democratic
The increasing litigation against criminal justice practitioners in the United States poses a significant problem for law enforcement and other personnel. Law enforcement and corrections professionals need to have a working knowledge of both criminal law and the civil law process to ensure that they are performing their duties within the limits of the law. Civil Liability in Criminal Justice, 7th Edition, provides valuable information and recommendations to current and future officers and correctional system employees, introducing them to civil liability and federal law, as well as recommending strategies that can be taken to minimize risks. Civil Liability in Criminal Justice is unique in its combination of applicable case law and related liability research, while still providing an overview of current case law in high-liability areas. This new edition, revised to include up-to-date United States Supreme Court cases, including liability trends on the use of force, arrest-related deaths, custodial suicides in detention, qualified immunity, and the outcomes of the Department of Justice and the application of Section 14141, additional context for liability issues, and extended coverage of collective bargaining and public perception, is a valuable resource for enhancing student knowledge and practitioner job performance. The text is suitable for undergraduate and graduate courses in Criminal Justice programs as well as for in-service and academy training. Ross offers an engaging, accessible introduction to this aspect of the US criminal justice system.
Approaching the concept of Islamic constitutionalism from a comparative perspective, this thought-provoking study by Antoni Abat i Ninet and Mark Tushnet uses traditional Western political theory as a lens to develop a framework for analyzing the events known as the `Arab Spring'. Writing with clarity and insight, the authors place Western and Arabic traditions into a constructive dialogue. They focus on whether we can develop a `theory of revolutions' that helps us understand events occurring at divergent times at geographically separate locations. This question is meticulously analyzed through the detailed examination of specific developments relevant to the ideas of revolution and constitutionalism in several nations affected by the Arab Spring. Case studies focus on Morocco and Libya as examples of unsuccessful revolutions, as well as Tunisia and Egypt. These lead the authors to consider the nature of constitutionalism itself and the concept of illiberal but non-authoritarian constitutions: a particularly pressing concern given the prominent contemporary discussions of the role of shari'a in post-Arab Spring constitutions. The Arab Spring will offer new insights to scholars, researchers and students of law and the political sciences, in particular those focusing on theories of revolution, democracy, constitutional law, Islamic constitutionalism and legal theory.
In a revelatory work praised as "excellent and timely" (New York Times Book Review, front page), Adam Winkler, author of Gunfight, once again makes sense of our fraught constitutional history in this incisive portrait of how American businesses seized political power, won "equal rights," and transformed the Constitution to serve big business. Uncovering the deep roots of Citizens United, he repositions that controversial 2010 Supreme Court decision as the capstone of a centuries-old battle for corporate personhood. "Tackling a topic that ought to be at the heart of political debate" (Economist), Winkler surveys more than four hundred years of diverse cases-and the contributions of such legendary legal figures as Daniel Webster, Roger Taney, Lewis Powell, and even Thurgood Marshall-to reveal that "the history of corporate rights is replete with ironies" (Wall Street Journal). We the Corporations is an uncompromising work of history to be read for years to come.
Sanctuary Cities and Urban Struggles makes the first sustained intervention into exploring how cities are challenging the primacy of the nation-state as the key guarantor of rights and entitlements. It brings together cutting-edge scholars of political geography, urban geography, citizenship studies, socio-legal studies and refugee studies to explore how urban social movements, localised practices of belonging and rights claiming, and diverse articulations of sanctuary are reshaping the governance of migration. By offering a collection of empirical cases and conceptualisations that move beyond 'seeing like a state', Sanctuary Cities and Urban Struggles proposes not a singular alternative but rather a set of interlocking sites and scales of political imagination and practice. In an era when migrant rights are under attack and nationalism is on the rise, the topic of how citizenship, rights and mobility can be recast at the urban scale is more relevant than ever. -- .
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