This timely Research Handbook offers a systematic and comprehensive examination of the election laws of democratic nations. Through a study of a range of different regimes of election law, it illuminates the disparate choices that societies have made concerning the benefits they wish their democratic institutions to provide, the means by which such benefits are to be delivered, and the underlying values, commitments, and conceptions of democratic self-rule that inform these choices. Comparative Election Law features a wide scope of coverage, from distribution of the franchise, to candidate qualifications, to campaign speech and finance, to election administration, and more. Contributions from a range of expert scholars in the field are brought together to tackle difficult problems surrounding the definition of the democratic demos, as well as to lay bare important disjunctions between democratic ideals and feasible democratic regimes in practice. Furthermore, a comparative approach is also taken to examine democratic regimes at a theoretical as well as a descriptive level. Featuring key research in a vitally important area, this Research Handbook will be crucial reading for academics and students in a range of fields including comparative law, legal theory, political science, political theory and democracy. It will also be useful to politicians and government officials engaged in election regulation, due to its excellent perspective on the range of regulatory options and how to evaluate them.

"Sin imaginarlo otra vida comenzaba para nosotros como para otros miles o millones de cubanos comenzaba la diaspora a esparcirse por el mundo buscando lo mas elemental para vivir, un trabajo, un pan, un alero. Igual que cuando salimos de Cuba no tenia idea de lo que estaba pasando cumplia con mis responsabilidades sacaba los grados de la escuela vivia como cualquiera otra hija de vecina, algunas veces iba al cine hoy Teatro Trial o con las companeras de la escuela al Orange Bowl para algun juego. Un dia me montaron en un avion destino: Caracas, la sucursal del cielo. Venezuela. Hoy cuando he jurado respetar la constitucion y leyes de esta republica de alguna manera me pregunto porque el destino me jugo esta partida de ser y no ser, de tener y no tener, de ser de aqui pero ser de alla un poco como no ser de ninguna parte de un libreto que me toco vivir gracias a Dios por todo esto, a mi hermano, su esposa, mis hijos, los hijos del Sr Smith, a mis dos sobrinos a mis amigos que me ayudaron a correr este camino largo y dificil de la mejor manera. Tambien al Sr Smith mi companero inseparable de tantos anos, algunas veces alumno otras maestro siempre con su espiritu de manana sera mejor que hoy tambien hizo posible este fin de etapa.""

In the 1830s, the French aristocrat Alexis de Tocqueville wrote that 'insufferable despotism' would prevail if America ever acquired a national administrative state. Today's Tea Partiers evidently believe that, after a great wrong turn in the early twentieth century, Tocqueville's nightmare has come true. In those years, it seems, a group of radicals, seduced by alien ideologies, created vast bureaucracies that continue to trample on individual freedom. Tocqueville's Nightmare, shows, to the contrary, that the nation's best corporate lawyers were among the creators of 'commission government,' that supporters were more interested in purging government of corruption than creating a socialist utopia, and that the principles of individual rights, limited government, and due process were designed into the administrative state. Far from following 'un-American' models, American statebuilders rejected the leading European scheme for constraining government, the Rechtsstaat, a state of rules. Instead, they looked to an Anglo-American tradition that equated the rule of law with the rule of courts and counted on judges to review the bases for administrators' decisions aggressively. Soon, however, even judges realized that strict judicial review shifted to generalist courts decisions best left to experts. The most masterful judges, including Charles Evans Hughes, Chief Justice of the United States from 1930 to 1941, ultimately decided that a 'day in court' was unnecessary if individuals had already had a 'day in commission' where the fundamentals of due process and fair play prevailed. Not only did this procedural notion of the rule of law solve the judges' puzzle of reconciling bureaucracy and freedom; it also assured lawyers that their expertise in the ways of the courts would remain valuable and professional politicians that presidents would not use administratively distributed largess as an independent source of political power.

With a new introduction by Ronan Deazley, Professor of Law, University of Glasgow. First Edition of "A Standard Book on the Law of Copyright" Reprint of the first edition. "A standard book on the law of copyright was published by W.A. Copinger 1847-1910] in 1870. It deals very fully with the history and the statute law as to literary copyright; as to Crown and university and college copyright; as to musical, dramatic, and artistic copyright, and copyright in designs; as to international copyright and copyright in foreign countries; and as to agreements between authors and publishers. The merits of the book are proved by the fact that is reached a ninth edition in 1958." --William S. Holdsworth, History of English Law XV 299-300 WALTER ARTHUR COPINGER 1847-1910] was a barrister-at-law of the Middle Temple.

Constitutional amendments, like all laws, may lead to unanticipated and even undesired outcomes. In this collection of original essays, a team of distinguished historians, political scientists, and legal scholars led by award-winning constitutional historian David E. Kyvig examines significant instances in which reform produced something other than the foreseen result. An opening essay examines the intentions of the Constitution's framers in creating an amending mechanism and then explores unexpected uses of that instrument. Thereafter, authors focus on the Bill of Rights and subsequent amendments, addressing such subjects as criminal justice procedures, the presidential election system, the Civil War's impact on race and gender relations, the experiment in national prohibition, women's suffrage, and, finally, limits on the presidency. Together these contributions illuminate aspects of constitutional stability and evolution, challenging current thinking about reform within the formal system of change provided by Article V of the Constitution. Forcefully demonstrating that constitutional law is not immune to unanticipated consequences, the eight scholars underscore the need for care, responsibility, and historical awareness in altering the nation's fundamental law.

Roman Law's Influence on Public Law and the State This collection of eleven distinguished essays explores the revival of Roman law and its subsequent influence on the development of public law and early modern theories of the state. "This very fine book deserves to be judged as something more than a mere collection of scattered essays. There is an impressive unity of thought and argument running through all the various studies, and together they form a coherent and extremely valuable contribution to a recent movement of thought that has been reshaping our understanding of the principles on which medieval government was based."--Brian Tierney, Harvard Law Review 78 (1964-1965):1502 GAINES POST 1902-1987] received an M.A. in 1925 and Ph.D. in 1931 at Harvard University. He researched medieval history and culture at the Ecole de Chartres in France from 1927-1928 and also conducted research in Italy, Germany, and England. Post was a member of the Department of History at the University of Wisconsin, Madison, from 1935 to 1941, a lecturer at the Riccoboro Seminar in 1947, and a lecturer at the Medieval Institute at the University of Notre Dame. Some of his many accomplishments include a Fulbright research award to France in 1951-1952, two Guggenheim Fellowships (1939-1940 and 1955-1956) and an honorary fellowship in the American Society for Legal History. While an instructor at Princeton University from 1959-1960 he was the chairman of the Institute of Research and Study in Medieval Canon Law. In 1954 he accepted a faculty position at Princeton University, where he remained until his retirement in 1970.

Analyzes the history of enslaved African Americans' relationship with the criminal courts of the Old Dominion during a 160-year period. Schwarz's study is based on more than 4,000 trials from the colonial, early national, and antebellum periods. This book provides a fascinating portrayal of slave culture and slave resistance to white Society, not only as a means of resistance against oppression, but also as a means of individual empowerment.

Although many books on terrorism and religious extremism have been published in the years since 9/11, none of them written by Western authors call for the curtailment of religious freedom and freedom of expression for the sake of greater security. Issues like torture, domestic surveillance, and unlawful detentions have dominated the literature in this area, but few, if any, major scholars have questioned the vast allowances made by Western nations for the freedoms of religion and speech.
Freedom from Religion challenges the almost sacrosanct inviolability of these two civil liberties. By drawing the connection between politically-correct tolerance of extremist speech and the rise of terrorist activity, this book sets the context for its unique proposal that governments should introduce new limits on religious practice within their borders. To demonstrate the wisdom of this course, the author presents the disparate policies and security circumstances of five countries: the U.S., the UK, the Netherlands, Turkey, and Israel. The book benefits not just from the author's own counter-terrorism experience in Israel and the U.S. but also from an international advisory group of leading scholars from all five of the countries under review.
This second edition includes significant new material analyzing the trial of Warren Jeffs, self-censorship in the face of religious sensitivity, religious extremism and violence in Israel, and the complicated tension in the Netherlands between speech and religion.
In it, Guiora responds to public discussion and criticism provoked by the proposal presented in the first edition that governments impose limits on religious extremist practices and speech within their borders. In doing so, Guiora sheds new light on the existential and practical predicaments confronting civil democratic society: how much intolerance should the nation-state tolerate and to whom does government owe a duty.

This is a book about the dynamics of the aspirational society. It explores the boundaries of permissible thought--deviations and transgressions that create constant innovations. When confronted with a problem, an innovative mind struggles and brings forth something distinctive--new ideas, new inventions, and new programs based on unconventional approaches to solve the problem. But this can be done only if the culture creates large breathing spaces by leaving people alone, not as a matter of state generosity but as something fundamental in being an American. Consequently, the Constitutional mandate of "Congress shall make no law..." has encouraged fearless speech, unrestrained thought, and endless experimentation leading to newer developments in science, technology, the arts, and not least socio-political relations. Most of all, the First Freedoms liberate the mind from irrational fears and encourage an environment of divergent thinking, non-conformity, and resistance to a collective mindset. The First Freedoms encourage Americans to be iconoclastic, to be creatively crazy, to be impure, thus, enabling them to mix and re-mix ideas to design new technologies and cultural forms and platforms, anything from experimental social relations and big data explorations to electing our first black president.

Intellectual property law is built on constitutional foundations and is underpinned by the twin freedoms of freedom of expression and freedom of economic enterprise. In this thoughtful evaluation, Gustavo Ghidini offers up a reconstruction of the core features of each intellectual property paradigm, including patents, copyright, and trademarks, suggesting measures for reform to allow intellectual property to become socially beneficial for all. Rethinking Intellectual Property is a deeply reflective conceptualisation of the modern principles of intellectual property law at both a national and an international level. The first chapter investigates conflicts of interests relating to intellectual property and guiding principles for their resolution within its constitutional framework. Ghidini then moves on to examine the reshaping of patent protection, and the way that the exercise of patent rights goes hand-in-hand with the competitive dynamics of technological innovation. In chapter 3, he analyses the copyright paradigm from an industrial perspective, focusing particular attention to the online distribution of material. Chapter 4 moves on to examine trademark protection, and the protection of entrepreneurial identity and brand value. Finally, he addresses the complex intersection between intellectual property law and competition law. This book will be invaluable reading for anyone interested in the conceptual foundations of intellectual property law, and challenges the reader to re-examine their understanding of the field.

For a range of reasons - including internal and external pressures - the constitutional arrangements in many countries are changing. Constitutional change may be: formal, involving amendments to the texts of Constitutions or the passage of legislation of a clearly constitutional kind; or informal and organic, as where court decisions affect the operation of the system of government, or where new administrative and other arrangements (e.g. agencification) affect or articulate or alter the operation of the Constitution of the country, without the need for government to resort to legislation. This book explores how Constitutions change and are changed in a number of countries, and how the 'Constitution' of the EU changes and is changed. The countries in this study include - from the EU - a common law country, a Nordic one, a former communist state, several civil law systems, parliamentary systems, and a hybrid one (France). Chapters on non-EU countries include two on developing countries (India and South Africa), two on common law countries without written constitutions (Israel and New Zealand), a presidential system (the US), and three federal ones (the US, Canada, and Switzerland). In the final chapter, the editors conduct a detailed comparative analysis of the jurisdiction-based chapters and explore the question whether any overarching theory or theories about constitutional change in liberal democracies emerge from the study.

Kazakhstan finds itself at the crossroads of political, economic, social and cultural relations between the East and West. Constituting a bridge between Europe and Asia, uniting more than 100 different ethnic and religious groups and possessing huge territory with abundant natural resources, it is a unique country with enormous potential to grow in stature on the world's stage. This book is the first-ever comprehensive overview of the legal system of Kazakhstan in English. It offers a compact, coherent, systematic and reliable overview of the major legal concepts, principles and developments of the legal system of Kazakhstan. Sixteen chapters, each written by an expert in the respective field, cover the following specific areas of the Kazakhstani legal system: Legal History of Kazakhstan; Basic Features of the Legal System (Comparative Perspective and Sources of Law); Legal Education and Science in Kazakhstan; Constitutional Law; Administrative Law; Law of Persons; Property Law; Law of Obligations; Family and Inheritance Law; Labor Law; Private International Law; Civil Procedure; Criminal Law; Criminal Procedure; Investment and Energy Law; Tax Law.

House of Lords reform is often characterised as unfinished business: a riddle that has been left unanswered since 1911. But rarely can an unanswered riddle have had so many answers offered, even though few have been accepted; indeed, when Viscount Cave was invited in the mid-1920s to lead a Cabinet committee on Lords reform, he complained of finding 'the ground covered by an embarrassing mass of proposals'.That embarrassing mass increased throughout the twentieth century. Much ink has been spilled on what should be done with the upper House of Parliament; much less ink has been expended on why reform has been so difficult to achieve. This book analyses in detail the principal attempts to reform the House of Lords. Starting with the Parliament Act of 1911 the book examines the century of non-reform that followed, drawing upon substantial archival sources, many of which have been under-utilised until now. These sources challenge many of the existing understandings of the history of House of Lords reform and the reasons for success or failure of reform attempts. The book begins by arguing against the popular idea that the 1911 Act was intended by its supporters to be a temporary measure. 'No one - peers included - should be allowed to pronounce about the future of the House of Lords without reading Chris Ballinger's authoritative, shrewd and readable account about reform attempts over the past century. He punctures several widely-held myths and claims in the current debate.' Rt Hon Peter Riddell CBE Director, Institute for Government and former Hansard Society chair 'This is at once an impeccably researched academic study, and a thoroughly readable account loaded with lessons for today's would-be Lords reformers.' Lord (David) Lipsey