Israeli Prisoner of War Policies: From the 1949 Armistice to the 2006 Kidnappings examines the development of Israel's policies toward prisoners of war across multiple conflicts. Taking POWs is an indication of strength and a method of deterrence. However, the conditions leading to the release of POWs are often the result of the asymmetry in diplomatic power between two parties, or, as in the case of Israel, the gap between military might and diplomatic weakness within a single country. Consequently, the issue of POWs and their military and diplomatic significance represents at least two levels of actors' behavior: what the criteria should be for taking POWs and what mechanism should be employed and what price should be paid in order to secure their release. Studying the prisoner exchange deals involving Israel reveals three eras in the emergence of Israeli POW policy. Israel has had no comprehensive policy or guiding set of directives. The lack of a well-established policy was not only the result of the unstable nature of Israeli politics, but was to a large extent the result of the tendency of most Israeli cabinets to delay critical decisions. Successive Israeli governments have witnessed three distinct periods of conflict requiring unique approaches to POWs: a confrontation with nation states, 1948/49 to the June 1967 War; a mixed challenge posed by national and sub-national players, 1967 to the aftermath of the October 1973 War; and the long battle with sub-national actors, first Palestinians and later Shi'ite and Sunni Muslims. This volume seeks to apply the lessons of Israel's complex POW policies to conflicts around the world.

This timely Research Handbook offers a systematic and comprehensive examination of the election laws of democratic nations. Through a study of a range of different regimes of election law, it illuminates the disparate choices that societies have made concerning the benefits they wish their democratic institutions to provide, the means by which such benefits are to be delivered, and the underlying values, commitments, and conceptions of democratic self-rule that inform these choices. Comparative Election Law features a wide scope of coverage, from distribution of the franchise, to candidate qualifications, to campaign speech and finance, to election administration, and more. Contributions from a range of expert scholars in the field are brought together to tackle difficult problems surrounding the definition of the democratic demos, as well as to lay bare important disjunctions between democratic ideals and feasible democratic regimes in practice. Furthermore, a comparative approach is also taken to examine democratic regimes at a theoretical as well as a descriptive level. Featuring key research in a vitally important area, this Research Handbook will be crucial reading for academics and students in a range of fields including comparative law, legal theory, political science, political theory and democracy. It will also be useful to politicians and government officials engaged in election regulation, due to its excellent perspective on the range of regulatory options and how to evaluate them.

In 2005, the Supreme Court ruled in Kelo v. New London that a city might take property from one private owner and transfer it to another for economic redevelopment. The ruling marked a new interpretation of the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution, and set a precedent which has raised significant questions regarding government takings and property rights. The ruling also reawakened a public interest in private property and created a vicious reaction among many citizens, journalists, academics, and legislators. This book is unique because it offers an in-depth analysis of the case law found in the opinions and decisions of the state and federal courts, but also uses a variety of other sources including the oral argument before the Supreme Court, the amicus curiae briefs, American political and legal history, as well as the personal stories of those involved in the case. This book also analyzes the public backlash from several different perspectives including opinion polls, media coverage, academic articles and commentary, subsequent case law, and legislative action. Finally, this book offers an insightful critique of the case, including what the Supreme Court got wrong, what it got right, and where the law and courts should go from here.

Roman Law's Influence on Public Law and the State This collection of eleven distinguished essays explores the revival of Roman law and its subsequent influence on the development of public law and early modern theories of the state. "This very fine book deserves to be judged as something more than a mere collection of scattered essays. There is an impressive unity of thought and argument running through all the various studies, and together they form a coherent and extremely valuable contribution to a recent movement of thought that has been reshaping our understanding of the principles on which medieval government was based."--Brian Tierney, Harvard Law Review 78 (1964-1965):1502 GAINES POST 1902-1987] received an M.A. in 1925 and Ph.D. in 1931 at Harvard University. He researched medieval history and culture at the Ecole de Chartres in France from 1927-1928 and also conducted research in Italy, Germany, and England. Post was a member of the Department of History at the University of Wisconsin, Madison, from 1935 to 1941, a lecturer at the Riccoboro Seminar in 1947, and a lecturer at the Medieval Institute at the University of Notre Dame. Some of his many accomplishments include a Fulbright research award to France in 1951-1952, two Guggenheim Fellowships (1939-1940 and 1955-1956) and an honorary fellowship in the American Society for Legal History. While an instructor at Princeton University from 1959-1960 he was the chairman of the Institute of Research and Study in Medieval Canon Law. In 1954 he accepted a faculty position at Princeton University, where he remained until his retirement in 1970.

Title 40 presents regulations governing care of the environment from the 14 subchapters of Chapter I and from the provisions regarding the Council on Environmental Quality found in Chapter V. Programs addressing air, water, pesticides, radiation protection, and noise abatement are included. Practices for waste and toxic materials disposal and clean-up are also prescribed. Additions and revisions to this section of the code are posted annually by July. Publication follows within six months.

Constitutional amendments, like all laws, may lead to unanticipated and even undesired outcomes. In this collection of original essays, a team of distinguished historians, political scientists, and legal scholars led by award-winning constitutional historian David E. Kyvig examines significant instances in which reform produced something other than the foreseen result. An opening essay examines the intentions of the Constitution's framers in creating an amending mechanism and then explores unexpected uses of that instrument. Thereafter, authors focus on the Bill of Rights and subsequent amendments, addressing such subjects as criminal justice procedures, the presidential election system, the Civil War's impact on race and gender relations, the experiment in national prohibition, women's suffrage, and, finally, limits on the presidency. Together these contributions illuminate aspects of constitutional stability and evolution, challenging current thinking about reform within the formal system of change provided by Article V of the Constitution. Forcefully demonstrating that constitutional law is not immune to unanticipated consequences, the eight scholars underscore the need for care, responsibility, and historical awareness in altering the nation's fundamental law.

This book explores the often neglected, but overwhelmingly common, everyday vulnerability of those who support the smooth functioning of contemporary societies: paid domestic workers. With a focus on the multiple disadvantages these - often migrant - workers face when working and living in Europe, the book investigates the role of law in producing, reinforcing - or, alternatively, attenuating - vulnerability to exploitation. It departs from approaches that focus on extreme abuse such as 'modern' slavery or trafficking, to consider the much more widespread day-to-day vulnerabilities created at the intersection of different legal regimes. The book, therefore, examines issues such as low wages, unregulated working time, dismissals and the impact of migration status on enforcing rights at work. The complex legal regimes regulating migrant domestic labour in Europe include migration and labour law sources at different levels: international, national and, as this book demonstrates, also EU. With an innovative lens that combines national, comparative, and multilevel analysis, this book opens up space for transformative legal change for migrant domestic workers in Europe and beyond.

Precedent is an important tool of judicial decision making and reasoning in common law systems such as the United States. Instead of having each court decide cases anew, the rule of precedent or stares decisis dictates that similar cases should be decided similarly. Adherence to precedent promotes several values, including stability, reliability, and uniformity, and it also serves to constrain judicial discretion. Yet while adherence to precedent is important, there are some cases where the United States Supreme Court does not follow it when it comes to constitutional reasoning. Over time the US Supreme Court under its different Chief Justices has approached rejection of its own precedent in different ways and at varying rates of reversal. This book examines the role of constitutional precedent in US Supreme Court reasoning. The author surveys the entire history of the US Supreme Court up until 2020, keying in on decisions regarding when it chose to overturn its own constitutional precedent and why. He explores how the US Supreme Court under its different Chief Justices has approached constitutional precedents and justified its reversal and quantifies which Courts have reversed the most constitutional precedents and why. Constitutional Precedent in US Supreme Court Reasoning is essential reading for law professors and students interested in precedent and its role in legal reasoning. Law libraries which will find this book of importance to their collections on legal reasoning and analysis.

This is a book about the dynamics of the aspirational society. It explores the boundaries of permissible thought--deviations and transgressions that create constant innovations. When confronted with a problem, an innovative mind struggles and brings forth something distinctive--new ideas, new inventions, and new programs based on unconventional approaches to solve the problem. But this can be done only if the culture creates large breathing spaces by leaving people alone, not as a matter of state generosity but as something fundamental in being an American. Consequently, the Constitutional mandate of "Congress shall make no law..." has encouraged fearless speech, unrestrained thought, and endless experimentation leading to newer developments in science, technology, the arts, and not least socio-political relations. Most of all, the First Freedoms liberate the mind from irrational fears and encourage an environment of divergent thinking, non-conformity, and resistance to a collective mindset. The First Freedoms encourage Americans to be iconoclastic, to be creatively crazy, to be impure, thus, enabling them to mix and re-mix ideas to design new technologies and cultural forms and platforms, anything from experimental social relations and big data explorations to electing our first black president.

Global politics has transformed in recent years due to a rise in nationalist ideology, the breakdown of multiple societies, and even nation-state legitimacy. The nation-state, arguably, has been in question for much of the digital age, as citizens become transnational and claim loyalty to many different groups, causes, and in some cases, states. Thus, politics that accompany diasporic communities have become increasingly important focal points of comparative and political science research. Global Diaspora Politics and Social Movements: Emerging Research and Opportunities provides innovative insights into the dispersion of political and social groups across the world through various research methods such as case studies. This publication examines migration politics, security policy, and social movements. It is designed for academicians, policymakers, government officials, researchers, and students, and covers topics centered on the distribution of social groups and political groups.

This original approach to value provides a foundation for a new imaginative landscape in philosophy of law. "Value essentialism" identifies value formations such as a sacred cow and scapegoat tandem and the intensification of "oughtness" as it approaches sacred zenith values. Readers learn how Occam's razor has been responsible for the death of many ideas; how the celebrated Other gains nuance as near and remote; and where a spectral assessment of probability and necessity leads. Analyses of Supreme Court cases grow out in different and exciting directions. Bell was not about eugenics, but another iteration of the value of efficiency and Yo Wick was as much about classism as it was about racism. Lochner involved not an ideological binary but three distinct value schemes. "Separate but equal" was refined as parallelism and exploitative tangents. In Brown, the Fourteenth Amendment took a significant subjective turn. In Heller, the communitarian position of stopping violence before it could start could be contrasted with the individualistic position of waiting until you see the whites of their eyes in your bedroom. Citizens United represented the best example of this axiological approach, raising the question: was the First Amendment designed to maximize participation or maximize democracy?

Kazakhstan finds itself at the crossroads of political, economic, social and cultural relations between the East and West. Constituting a bridge between Europe and Asia, uniting more than 100 different ethnic and religious groups and possessing huge territory with abundant natural resources, it is a unique country with enormous potential to grow in stature on the world's stage. This book is the first-ever comprehensive overview of the legal system of Kazakhstan in English. It offers a compact, coherent, systematic and reliable overview of the major legal concepts, principles and developments of the legal system of Kazakhstan. Sixteen chapters, each written by an expert in the respective field, cover the following specific areas of the Kazakhstani legal system: Legal History of Kazakhstan; Basic Features of the Legal System (Comparative Perspective and Sources of Law); Legal Education and Science in Kazakhstan; Constitutional Law; Administrative Law; Law of Persons; Property Law; Law of Obligations; Family and Inheritance Law; Labor Law; Private International Law; Civil Procedure; Criminal Law; Criminal Procedure; Investment and Energy Law; Tax Law.

This book examines the problem of constitutional change in times of crisis. Divided into five main parts, it both explores and interrogates how public law manages change in periods of extraordinary pressure on the constitution. In Part I, "Emergency, Exception and Normalcy," the contributors discuss the practices and methods that could be used to help legitimize the use of emergency powers without compromising the constitutional principles that were created during a period of normalcy. In Part II, "Terrorism and Warfare," the contributors assess how constitutions are interpreted during times of war, focusing on the tension between individual rights and safety. Part III, "Public Health, Financial and Economic Crises," considers how constitutions change in response to crises that are neither political in the conventional sense nor violent, which also complicates how we evaluate constitutional resilience in times of stress. Part IV, "Constitutionalism for Divided Societies," then investigates the pressure on constitutions designed to govern diverse, multi-national populations, and how constitutional structures can facilitate stability and balance in these states. Part V, titled "Constitution-Making and Constitutional Change," highlights how constitutions are transformed or created anew during periods of tension. The book concludes with a rich contextual discussion of the pressing challenges facing constitutions in moments of extreme pressure. Chapter "Public Health Emergencies and Constitutionalism Before COVID-19: Between the National and the International" is available open access under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License via link.springer.com.

For a range of reasons - including internal and external pressures - the constitutional arrangements in many countries are changing. Constitutional change may be: formal, involving amendments to the texts of Constitutions or the passage of legislation of a clearly constitutional kind; or informal and organic, as where court decisions affect the operation of the system of government, or where new administrative and other arrangements (e.g. agencification) affect or articulate or alter the operation of the Constitution of the country, without the need for government to resort to legislation. This book explores how Constitutions change and are changed in a number of countries, and how the 'Constitution' of the EU changes and is changed. The countries in this study include - from the EU - a common law country, a Nordic one, a former communist state, several civil law systems, parliamentary systems, and a hybrid one (France). Chapters on non-EU countries include two on developing countries (India and South Africa), two on common law countries without written constitutions (Israel and New Zealand), a presidential system (the US), and three federal ones (the US, Canada, and Switzerland). In the final chapter, the editors conduct a detailed comparative analysis of the jurisdiction-based chapters and explore the question whether any overarching theory or theories about constitutional change in liberal democracies emerge from the study.

House of Lords reform is often characterised as unfinished business: a riddle that has been left unanswered since 1911. But rarely can an unanswered riddle have had so many answers offered, even though few have been accepted; indeed, when Viscount Cave was invited in the mid-1920s to lead a Cabinet committee on Lords reform, he complained of finding 'the ground covered by an embarrassing mass of proposals'.That embarrassing mass increased throughout the twentieth century. Much ink has been spilled on what should be done with the upper House of Parliament; much less ink has been expended on why reform has been so difficult to achieve. This book analyses in detail the principal attempts to reform the House of Lords. Starting with the Parliament Act of 1911 the book examines the century of non-reform that followed, drawing upon substantial archival sources, many of which have been under-utilised until now. These sources challenge many of the existing understandings of the history of House of Lords reform and the reasons for success or failure of reform attempts. The book begins by arguing against the popular idea that the 1911 Act was intended by its supporters to be a temporary measure. 'No one - peers included - should be allowed to pronounce about the future of the House of Lords without reading Chris Ballinger's authoritative, shrewd and readable account about reform attempts over the past century. He punctures several widely-held myths and claims in the current debate.' Rt Hon Peter Riddell CBE Director, Institute for Government and former Hansard Society chair 'This is at once an impeccably researched academic study, and a thoroughly readable account loaded with lessons for today's would-be Lords reformers.' Lord (David) Lipsey

By reminding readers that early Supreme Court justices refused to reduce the Constitution to a mere legal document, Approaching the U.S. Constitution provides a definitive response to Reading Law by Antonin Scalia and Bryan Garner. Turning to the vision of Alexander Hamilton found in Federalists No. 78, Hunter argues that rather than seeing the judiciary as America's legal guardian, Hamilton looked to independent individuals of integrity on the judiciary to be the nation's collective conscience. For Hamilton, the judiciary's authority over the legislature does not derive from positive law but is extra-legal by 'design' and is purely moral. By emphasizing the legal expertise of judges alone, individuals such as Justice Scalia mistakenly demand that judges exercise no human ethical judgment whatsoever. Yet the more this happens, the more the "rule of law" is replaced by the rule of lawyers. Legal sophistry becomes the primary currency wherewith society's ethical and moral questions are resolved. Moreover, the alleged neutrality of legal analysis is deceptive with its claims of judicial modesty. It is not only undemocratic, it is dictatorial and highly elitist. Public debate over questions of fairness is replaced by an exclusive legalistic debate between lawyers over what is legal. The more Scalia and Garner realize their agenda, the more all appeals to what is moral will be effectively removed from political debate. 'Conservatives' lament the 'removing God from the classroom,' by 'liberals,' yet if the advocates of legalism get their way, God will be effectively removed from the polis altogether. The answer to preserving both separation of powers and the American commitment to unalienable human rights is to view the Supreme Court in the same way early founders such as Hamilton did and in the way President Abraham Lincoln urged. The Court's most important function in exercising the power of judicial review is to serve as the nation's conscience just as it did in Brown v. Board of Education.