How should we "fix" digital technologies to support democracy instead of undermining it? In Designing for Democracy, Jennifer Forestal argues that accurately evaluating the democratic potential of digital spaces means studying how the built environment—a primary component of our "modern public square"—structures our activity, shapes our attitudes, and supports the kinds of relationships and behaviors democracy requires. While many scholars and practitioners are attentive to the role of design in shaping behavior, they have yet to fully engage with the question of what structures are required to support democratic communities—and how to build them. Forestal closes this gap by providing a new theory of democratic space. Drawing from a wide range of disciplines, including architecture, psychology, and the history of political thought, she argues that "democratic spaces" must be designed with three environmental characteristics—boundaries, durability, and flexibility—that, taken together, afford users the ability to engage in fundamental civic practices. Through extended analyses of Facebook, Twitter, and Reddit, Forestal shows precisely how well these digital platforms meet the criteria for democratic spaces, or whether they do so at all. The result is a more nuanced analysis of the democratic communities that form—or fail to emerge—in these spaces, as well as more concrete suggestions for how to improve them. In connecting the built environment, digital technologies, and democratic theory, Designing for Democracy provides blueprints for democracy in a digital age.

Examining the 21st century presidencies of the United States and their comparative policies, strategies, attitudes and behaviours towards the People's Republic of China. Comprehensively examines the three 21st Century U.S. presidential administrations and their foreign policies toward China Provides a detailed analysis of Trump's first term in office Focuses on the key security challenges relating to, among others, Chinese military modernization, South and East China Seas, the Indo-Pacific region, the Belt and Road Initiative, nuclear modernization This book draws critical attention to the core security challenges that have defined U.S. foreign policy in relation to China and its rise on the international stage. During the administrations of Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama the traditional safeguards and stabilizers to strategic competition were broadly adhered to, albeit in some cases not without great difficulty. Under the leadership of Donald Trump and China's Xi Jinping, however, these bulwarks have alarmingly diminished. Abrupt departures in engagement platforms and asserting regional defensive postures have become the new norms. With brevity and nuance, this book provides much needed connective tissue in examining these departures and their antecedents across the Bush, Obama and Trump administrations. It reveals Washington and Beijing are moving towards a new period where, unlike previous ones, this one will be characterised by an amplified preponderance of competition, and the enhanced probability of conflict and confrontation.

Focusing on two of the most fraught and intractable public debates of the present time: human-induced climate change and the human rights of refugees, asylum seekers, immigrants and the stateless, this book raises critical questions about the role and relationship of public relations in weakening democratic political systems. It shows a clear, but often indirect, link between PR and a neoliberal agenda that has been vastly underestimated and oversimplified as "spin." This comes at a great cost for society. Public Relations and Neoliberalism provides a panoramic view of public relations from the post-war period, when a powerful communication template propelled by the PR industry served the neoliberal agenda to create political diversion, division, and hegemony at the same time. But today, public relations is not just a tool of industry or government. Rather, it has become the default mode and style of being and relating in the world, that seeps into and affects all areas of life: professional, corporate, domestic, political, activist, and technological. And the metastasis of neoliberal meaning into so many realms has important ramifications for society and individuals. Looking at the confluences and contradictions within the logic of public relations both as a practice and in terms of how it has been theorized and understood, this book provides an important contribution to critical work in the communicative field.

America Enters the Cold War provides a succinct and insightful analysis of the foreign policy decisions which shaped America's early involvement in the Cold War. In focusing on key documents and detailing the ideological foundations of U.S. foreign policy, Kevin Grimm situates the events of the early Cold War in the context of postwar American history. Including the full text of primary source documents such as the Long Telegram, the Truman Doctrine, and NSC-68, this text provides an essential overview of this period for students of the Cold War, diplomatic history, and twentieth-century US history and foreign policy.

The purpose of this book is to critically enhance the appreciation of Diplomacy and Sport in global affairs for both practitioners and scholars. The book will make an important new contribution to at least two distinct fields of study: Diplomacy and Sport, as well as to those concerned with History, Politics, Sociology, and International Relations. The critical analysis the book provides explores the linkages across these fields, particularly in relation to Soft Power and Public Diplomacy. Its conclusions offer avenues for further study based on the future of the relationship between sport and diplomacy. The book has strong international basis: it covers a broad range of countries, their diplomatic relationship with sport and is written by a truly transnational cast of authors. The intense media scrutiny on the Olympic Games, FIFA World Cup, and other international sports will contribute to the global interest in this volume. -- .

The field of peacemaking is in turbulent change. There are more peacemaking actors than before but fewer success stories, and an increasing number of violent conflicts tend to resist negotiated agreements. Tools and practices created for traditional inter- and intra-state conflicts have become ineffective and revision of old mediation practices is called for. This book examines how the private peacemaking organisations have faced this challenge. In the 21st century, private peacemakers have become a central part of peace diplomacy and have appeared as flexible actors whose innovative thinking paves the way for reconsidering and reinventing old practices of mediation. Instead of emphasizing the act of resolution, a new emphasis is given to the transformation of violence into a peace system, the complexity of conflict and the inadequateness of rational management. Furthermore, this shift has brought civic society actors from the field of reconciliation to the field of peace mediation. This new pragmatic approach under development can be called dialogic mediation.

This volume presents the first global history of human rights politics in the age of decolonization. The conflict between independence movements and colonial powers shaped the global human rights order that emerged after the Second World War. It was also critical to the genesis of contemporary human rights organizations and humanitarian movements. Anti-colonial forces mobilized human rights and other rights language in their campaigns for self-determination. In response, European empires harnessed the new international politics of human rights for their own ends, claiming that their rule, with its promise of 'development,' was the authentic vehicle for realizing them. Ranging from the postwar partitions and the wars of independence to Indigenous rights activism and post-colonial memory, this volume offers new insights into the history and legacies of human rights, self-determination, and empire to the present day.

A mbassador at Large: Diplomat Extraordinary is a welcome contri bution to the literature on contemporary diplomacy, and is especially relevant to the conduct of United States foreign relations. Concomitant with pressures to escalate the level of diplomatic representation and negotiation, the Ambassador at Large, a recent innovation in the American diplomatic hierarchy, may play an increasingly important role. Should other governments follow the American lead by creating similar offices, a new, flexible layer of diplomatic relations may be added to the four which currently are most widely used, namely, the summit, the ministerial, the traditional professional, and the technical strata. Diplomacy may be defined as the international political process whereby political entities - mostly the recognized members of the fami ly of nations, but also emergent states, international and supranational organizations, and a few special entities like the Vatican - conduct their official relations with one another in the international environ ment. Like other human and societal processes, it is astatic and in the course of time experiences significant changes. It has expanded to meet the needs of a rapidly proliferating community of nations and it has been adapted to the growing complex of international concerns and interactions. Scientific and technological changes have created new problems and revolutionized methods of diplomatic communication and transportation. These developments have both intensified the needs and enriched the potentialities of the diplomatic process. Throughout history doubtless each major, permeative modification in diplomatic practice has produced a so-called "new diplomacy."

US foreign policy is undergoing a dire transformation, forever changing America's place in the world. Institutions of diplomacy and development are bleeding out after deep budget cuts; the diplomats who make America's deals and protect its citizens around the world are walking out in droves. Offices across the State Department sit empty, while abroad the military-industrial complex has assumed the work once undertaken by peacemakers. We're becoming a nation that shoots first and asks questions later. In an astonishing journey from the corridors of power in Washington, DC, to some of the most remote and dangerous places on earth-Afghanistan, Somalia, and North Korea among them-acclaimed investigative journalist Ronan Farrow illuminates one of the most consequential and poorly understood changes in American history. His firsthand experience as a former State Department official affords a personal look at some of the last standard bearers of traditional statecraft, including Richard Holbrooke, who made peace in Bosnia and died while trying to do so in Afghanistan. Drawing on recently unearthed documents, and richly informed by rare interviews with whistle-blowers, a warlord, and policymakers-including every living former secretary of state from Henry Kissinger to Hillary Clinton to Rex Tillerson-and now updated with revealing firsthand accounts from inside Donald Trump's confrontations with diplomats during his impeachment and candid testimonials from officials in Joe Biden's inner circle, War on Peace makes a powerful case for an endangered profession. Diplomacy, Farrow argues, has declined after decades of political cowardice, shortsightedness, and outright malice-but it may just offer America a way out of a world at war.

This book examines and systematises the theoretical dimensions of paradiplomacy - the role of subnational governments in international relations. Subnational governments across the world (provinces in Canada, states in the USA, cantons in Switzerland, landers in Germany, etc.) actively participate in international relations. They open trade and cultural missions abroad, join international networks of cooperation, sign treaties and agreements with foreign state and non-state actors and sometimes even challenge the official foreign policy of their central governments through critical statements or controversial actions. All these kinds of external activities have been labeled as 'paradiplomacy'. Through a systematisation of the different approaches in understanding constituent diplomacy, the author constructs an integrative theoretical explanatory framework to guide research on regional governments' involvement in international affairs. This theoretical framework can be used as a research guide for the study of the external activities of different subnational governments in various contexts.The framework is based on a multiple-response questionnaire technique (MRQ) which provides the matrix of possible answers on a set of key questions for paradiplomacy scholarship, such as: Why do subnational units go abroad? What channels and methods they are prefer to use in their 'foreign policy'? What are the potential consequences of paradiplomacy actions? The explanatory framework is also a 'product with an open code' and therefore can be updated and improved by any scholar in accordance with his/her theoretical and practical discoveries in the broad field of paradiplomacy research. This comprehensive analysis of the phenomenon of paradiplomacy sheds light on the development of federalism and multi-level governance in a new global environment and contributes to the debates on the issue of 'actorness' in contemporary international affairs. This book will be of much interest to students of diplomacy, federalism, governance, foreign policy and IR, as well as practitioners of diplomacy.

"This volume fills a void in current studies of Eleanor Roosevelt. Offering a comprehensive analysis of Roosevelt as a diplomat during the Cold War era, it is particularly insightful in analyzing her position on United States race relations while at the United Nations. It provides a new look at Roosevelt's leadership from an American perspective played out on a global stage."- Maurine H. Beasley, Professor Emerita, University of Maryland College Park, USA "My grandmother was an ardent "small-d" democrat, as well as a Democrat - but she didn't think we were very mature in our living of it! This well-written and illuminating collection of essays, focused on what ER thought it meant to be a global citizen, offers a unique perspective of her views on a host of issues. Let us hope these fresh insights can inspire young people today to construct that better world to which she dedicated much of her life." - Anna Eleanor Roosevelt This book focuses on Eleanor Roosevelt's multifaceted agenda for the world. It highlights her advocacy of human rights, multilateral diplomacy, and transnationalism, and it emphasizes her challenge to gendered norms and racial relations. The essays of this collection describe Eleanor Roosevelt as a public intellectual, a politician, a public diplomat, and an activist. She was, undeniably, one of the protagonists of the twentieth century and a proactive interpreter of the many changes it brought about. She went through two world wars, the harshness of the Great Depression, and the emergence of nuclear confrontation, and she deciphered such crises as the product of misleading nationalism and egoism. Against them, she offered her commitment to people's education as an example of civic engagement, which she considered necessary for the functioning of any democratic order. Such was the world Eleanor Roosevelt envisioned and tried to build - symbolically and practically - one where people, the citizens of the world, may really be at the center of international affairs.

THE SEMINAL WORK ON FOREIGN POLICY AND THE ART OF DIPLOMACY

Moving from a sweeping overview of history to blow-by-blow accounts of his negotiations with world leaders, Henry Kissinger describes how the art of diplomacy has created the world in which we live, and how America's approach to foreign affairs has always differed vastly from that of other nations.

Brilliant, controversial, and profoundly incisive, Diplomacy stands as the culmination of a lifetime of diplomatic service and scholarship. It is vital reading for anyone concerned with the forces that have shaped our world today and will impact upon it tomorrow.

Hyper-partisanship represents a critical variable that undergirds President Donald Trump’s stewardship of American foreign policy while bipartisanship, a hallmark of American diplomacy, is in a period of rapid decline. The tenure of the 45th president of the United States is shaping up to be one of the most pivotal and contentious in the history of the Republic. Trump’s World: Peril and Opportunity in US Foreign Policy after Obama is an explosive study of the president’s foreign policy agenda. It provides an expansive examination of how Trump’s America First policy contributes to growing counter-US hysteria that could lead to a new wave of anti-Americanism around the world and explores an important question: When the Trump presidency concludes, what is the likely impact of “Trumpism� on world order, relations with traditional allies, the future of multilateralism, world trade, and American diplomacy?

This fully revised and expanded sixth edition of Diplomacy, written by an internationally respected researcher and teacher of the subject, is richly illustrated with examples from the worlds of health and commerce as well as high politics. The instances included are mostly contemporary, but considerable historical background to the diplomatic methods themselves is always provided.

Among other features, new to this edition is a list of topics for seminar discussion or essays, as well as annotated further reading at the end of each chapter. Following a chapter on the foreign ministry, Part I of this book deals with the art of negotiation (prenegotiations, around-the-table negotiations, diplomatic momentum, packaging agreements, and following up); Part II covers conventional modes of diplomacy (embassies, telecommunications, consulates, secret intelligence by 'legals', conferences, summits, and public diplomacy); and Part III examines diplomacy in hostile circumstances (embassy substitutes such as representative offices and interests sections, special missions, and mediation).

Students and educators of diplomacy will find much of value in the latest edition of this highly regarded and much-cited textbook.

Economic diplomacy was declared in 2013 by Beijing as a priority in its "comprehensive" strategy for diplomacy. The political elite undertook to further invest in economic diplomacy as an instrument for economic growth and development. Globally, Chinese cooperation in multilateral economic processes has become critical to achieving meaningful outcomes. However, little understanding exists in current literature on the factors and mechanisms which shape the processes behind China's economic diplomacy decision-making. Chinese Economic Diplomacy provides an understanding of the processes and practices of China's economic diplomacy, with multilateral economic negotiations as the primary basis of analysis, specifically the UN climate change talks and the WTO Doha Round trade negotiations. It examines how early economic diplomacy in global governance contributed to the varied and evolving nature of its present-day decision-making structures and processes. Demonstrating how China's negotiation preferences are driven by networks of political actors in formal and informal domestic and systemic environments, it also highlights the capacity of international negotiation practices to alter and re-shape China's approach to multilateral economic negotiations. As a consequence, the book presents a framework for understanding China's economic diplomacy decision-making processes that is systemically constructed by domestic and international agencies. Offering a Chinese perspective of the notion of economic diplomacy, this book will be of interest to students and scholars of Chinese Economics, International Relations and Political Economy.

This book examines the negotiations between the USA and the USSR on the limitation of strategic arms during the Cold War, from 1969 to 1979. The negotiations on the limitation of strategic arms, which were concluded in two agreements SALT I and SALT II (with only the first ratified), marked a major change in the history of arms control negotiations. For the first time, in the relatively short history of nuclear weapons and negotiations over nuclear disarmament, the two major nuclear powers had agreed to put limits on the size of their nuclear strategic arms. However, the negotiations between the US and USSR were the easy part of the process. The more difficult part was the negotiations among the Americans. Through the study of a decade of negotiations on the limitation of strategic arms in the Cold War, this book examines the forces that either allowed US presidents and senior officials to pave a path toward a US arms limitation policy, or prevented them from doing so. Most importantly, the book discusses the meaning of these negotiations and agreements on the limitation of strategic arms, and seeks to identify the intention of the negotiators: Were they aiming at making the world a safer place? What was the purpose of the negotiations and agreements within US strategic thinking, both militarily and diplomatically? Were they aimed at improving relations with the Soviet Union, or only at enhancing the strategic balance as one component of the strategic nuclear deterrence between the two powers? This book will be of much interest to students of Cold War history, arms control, US foreign policy and international relations in general.

How do interstate actors negotiate their interests? What do 'common interests' look like from their historically and culturally contingent perspectives? What happens when actors work for their private, professional, public, personal or institutional interests, even when those interests go against their mandate? Honing in on the role of diplomats and lobbyists during negotiations for Turkey's contentious EU membership bid, this book presents intricate, backstage conflicts of power and interests and negotiations of compromises, which drove this candidate country both closer to and farther apart from the EU. Based on long-term ethnographic fieldwork in Brussels, this first book-length account of Turkish Europeanisation argues that public, private and corporate actors voicing economic, political and bureaucratic interests from all corners of Europe sought access to markets and polities through the Turkish bid instead of facilitating Turkey's EU accession, earning recognition & power. -- .

This book offers the first comprehensive analysis of Canadian foreign policy under the government of Justin Trudeau, with a concentration on the areas of climate change, trade, Indigenous rights, arms sales, refugees, military affairs, and relationships with the United States and China. At the book's core is Trudeau's biggest and most unexpected challenge: the election of Donald Trump as president of the United States. Drawing on recognized experts from across Canada, this latest edition of the respected Canada Among Nations series will be essential reading for students of international relations and Canadian foreign policy and for a wider readership interested in Canada's age of Trudeau. See other books in the Canada Among Nations series here: https://carleton.ca/npsia/canada-among-nations/

Despite the large number of regional and global summits there is very little known about the functioning and impact of this particular type of diplomatic practice. While recognizing that the growing importance of summits is a universal phenomenon, this volume takes advantage of the richness of the Americas experiment to offer a theoretically grounded comparative analysis of contemporary summitry. The book addresses questions such as: How effective have summits been ? How have civil society and other non-state actors been involved in summits? How have summits impacted on the management of regional affairs? Filling a significant void in the literature, this volume offers an original contribution helping to understand how summitry has become a central feature of world politics. It will be of great interest to students and scholars of diplomacy, international organizations, and global/regional governance.

Contrary to the view held by many who study American foreign policy, public diplomacy has seldom played a decisive role in the achievement of the country's foreign policy objectives. The reasons for this are not that the policies and interventions are ill-conceived or badly executed, although this is sometimes the case. Rather, the factors that limit the effectiveness of public diplomacy lie almost entirely outside the control of American policy-makers. In particular, the resistance of foreign opinion-leaders to ideas and information about American motives and actions that do not square with their pre-conceived notions of the United States and its activities in the world is an enormous and perhaps insurmountable wall that limits the impact of public diplomacy. This book does not conclude that public diplomacy has no place in the repertoire of American foreign policy. Instead, the expectations held for this soft power tool need to be more realistic. Public diplomacy should not be viewed as a substitute for hard power tools that are more likely to be correlated with actual American influence as opposed to the somewhat nebulous concept of American standing.

History does not run in straight lines. Instead of inevitable progress, what we get is more often false starts, blind alleys, random events, good intentions that go wrong. Robert Cooper's incisive and elegant book is therefore not a continuous diplomatic history. Richelieu and Mazarin inhabited a 16th-century world we can hardly imagine today, but it is from their time that we can begin to see the outline of today's Europe. The Ambassadors includes a brilliant analysis of the people who built the Western side of the Cold War. Henry Kissinger is a pivotal figure in the post-war world, and his story is in some ways typical: he failed in his most important aims and succeeded in ways he never expected. Robert Cooper's pieces together history and considers the illuminating fragments it leaves behind.

This book contributes to the ongoing debate in IR on the role of security communities and formulates a new mechanism-based analytical framework. It argues that the question we need to ask is how security communities work at a time when armed conflicts among states have become significantly less frequent compared to other non-military threats and trans-boundary risks (e.g. terrorism and the adverse effects of climate change). Drawing upon recent advances in practice theory, the book suggests that the emergence and spread of cooperative security practices, ranging from multilateral diplomacy to crisis management, are as important for understanding how security communities work as more traditional confidence-building measures. Using the EU, Spain and Morocco as an in-depth case study, this volume reveals that through the institutionalization of multilateral venues, the EU has provided cooperative frameworks that otherwise would not have been available, and that the de-territorialized notion of security threats has created a new rationale for practical cooperation between Spanish and Moroccan diplomats, armed forces and civilian authorities. Within the broader context, this book provides a mechanism-based framework for studying regional organizations as security community-building institutions, and by utilizing that framework it shows how practice theory can be applied in empirical research to generate novel and thought-provoking results of relevance for the broader field of IR. This book will be of much interest to students of multilateral diplomacy, European Politics, foreign policy, security studies and IR in general.

If the growing demand for global governance breathed new life into the established G7/8 and the more recent G20, it raised questions about the evolving and optimal relationship between them. One answer arose from the G20's third summit, when it proclaimed the G20 would govern global finance and economics, while the old G8 would focus on development and security. Yet this rough division of labour did not address which issues lay within each category and how interconnections would be addressed to create comprehensive, coherent global governance for a complex world. This volume considers these questions. It explores the summits' performance, the division of labour during their coexistence, their comparative strengths and limitations, and how the future partnership could be improved to benefit the global community. The authors explain the recent evolution and performance of the G8 and G20 summits and their evolving empirical relationship. They consider the G8/G20 relationship with other actors engaged in global governance, notably the major multilateral organizations and civil society. They assess G7/8 and G20 effectiveness and accountability. And they identify, based on this empirical and analytical foundation, how the relationship can be improved for today's tightly wired world.

Human rights and detente inextricably intertwined during Carter's years. By promoting human rights in the USSR, Carter sought to build a domestic consensus for detente; through bipolar dialogue, he tried to advance human rights in the USSR. But, human rights contributed to the erosion of detente without achieving a lasting domestic consensus. -- .