Index V contains the cumulative index to the Terrorism: Commentary on Security Documents series from volume 121 to volume 140, and adds to earlier index volumes to ensure comprehensive searchability within the series. Although each volume in Terrorism: Commentary on Security Documents contains its own volume-specific index, this comprehensive index volume fully indexes the last twenty volumes in the Terrorism series, and provides far more detail than can be found in the individual volumes. The five different index formats included in this volume feature indices by subject, title, name, and year, providing readers with multiple ways to conduct research within the twenty most recently published volumes of the series.

What difference does gender make to foreign diplomacy? What do we know about women's participation as decision-makers in international affairs? Is it fair to assume, as many observers do, that female elites will mirror the relatively pacifist preferences of women in the general public as well as the claims of progressive feminist movements? And, of particular importance to this book, what consequences follow from the appointment of "firsts" to these posts? Inspired by recent work in the field of feminist diplomatic history, this book offers the first comparative examination of women's presence in senior national security positions in the United States executive branch. Sylvia Bashevkin looks at four high-profile appointees in the United States since 1980: Jeane Kirkpatrick during the Reagan years, Madeleine Albright in the Clinton era, Condoleezza Rice during the George W. Bush presidency, and Hillary Rodham Clinton in the first Obama mandate. Bashevkin explores the extent to which each of these women was able to fully participate in a domain long dominated by men, focusing in particular on the extent to which each shaped foreign policy in meaningful ways. She looks particularly at two specific phenomena: first, the influence of female decision-makers, notably their ability to make measurable difference to the understanding and practice of national security policy; and second, leaders' actions with respect to matters of war and women's rights. The track records of these four women reveal not just a consistent willingness to pursue muscular, aggressive approaches to international relations, but also widely divergent views about feminism. Women as Foreign Policy Leaders shows how Kirkpatrick, Albright, Rice, and Clinton staked out their presence on the international scene and provided a crucial antidote to the silencing of women's voices in global politics.

The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) struggled to apprehend and try high-profile defendants like the Serbian leader Slobodan Milo evi, and often received more criticism than praise. This volume argues that the underappreciated court has in fact made a substantial contribution to Bosnia and Herzegovina s transition to democracy. Based on more than three years of field research and several hundred interviews, this study brings together multiple research methods, including surveys, ethnography, and archival materials, to show the court s impact on five segments of Bosnian society, emphasizing the role of the social setting in translating international law in domestic contexts. Much of the early rhetoric about the transformative potential of international criminal law helped foster unrealistic expectations that institutions like the ICTY could not meet, but judged by more realistic standards, international law is seen to play a modest yet important role in postwar transitions. The findings of this study have implications for the study of international courts around the world and the role law plays in contributing to social change.

Chronicling the emergence of an international society in the 1920s, Daniel Gorman describes how the shock of the First World War gave rise to a broad array of overlapping initiatives in international cooperation. Though national rivalries continued to plague world politics, ordinary citizens and state officials found common causes in politics, religion, culture, and sport with peers beyond their borders. The League of Nations, the turn to a less centralized British Empire, the beginning of an international ecumenical movement, international sporting events, and audacious plans for the abolition of war all signaled internationalism's growth. State actors played an important role in these developments and were aided by international voluntary organizations, church groups, and international networks of academics, athletes, women, pacifists, and humanitarian activists. These international networks became the forerunners of international NGOs and global governance.

Track Two diplomacy consists of informal dialogues among actors such as academics, religious leaders, retired senior officials, and NGO officials that can bring new ideas and new relationships to the official process of diplomacy. Sadly, those involved in official diplomacy often have little understanding of and appreciation for the complex and nuanced role that Track Two can play, or for its limitations. And many Track Two practitioners are often unaware of the realities and pressures of the policy and diplomatic worlds, and not particularly adept at framing their efforts to make them accessible to hard-pressed officials. At the same time, those interested in the academic study of Track Two sometimes fail to understand the realities faced by either set of practitioners. A need therefore exists for a work to bridge the divides between these constituencies and between the different types of Track Two practice-and this book crosses disciplines and traditions in order to do just that. It explores the various dimensions and guises of Track Two, the theory and practice of how they work, and how both practitioners and academics could more profitably assess Track Two. Overall, it provides a comprehensive picture of the range of activities pursued under this title, to provoke new thinking about how these activities relate to each other, to official diplomacy, and to academe.

Track Two diplomacy consists of informal dialogues among actors such as academics, religious leaders, retired senior officials, and NGO officials that can bring new ideas and new relationships to the official process of diplomacy. Sadly, those involved in official diplomacy often have little understanding of and appreciation for the complex and nuanced role that Track Two can play, or for its limitations. And many Track Two practitioners are often unaware of the realities and pressures of the policy and diplomatic worlds, and not particularly adept at framing their efforts to make them accessible to hard-pressed officials. At the same time, those interested in the academic study of Track Two sometimes fail to understand the realities faced by either set of practitioners. A need therefore exists for a work to bridge the divides between these constituencies and between the different types of Track Two practice-and this book crosses disciplines and traditions in order to do just that. It explores the various dimensions and guises of Track Two, the theory and practice of how they work, and how both practitioners and academics could more profitably assess Track Two. Overall, it provides a comprehensive picture of the range of activities pursued under this title, to provoke new thinking about how these activities relate to each other, to official diplomacy, and to academe.

This edited volume focuses on the development and conflict prevention mechanism of the Economic Community of West African States, ECOWAS. The contributors discuss complex socio-political and economic issues and use a cross disciplinary approach to treat most of the dominant research questions in the field. The chapters come nicely together in a kaleidoscope of knowledge deriving from scholarly investigative traditions in political science, anthropology, economics, law, and sociology. The book is conceived as a source of reference and for graduate courses in African politics, development, human rights, transnational law, and international public policy.

George Leonard Staunton (1737-1801) arrived in China in 1792 as a member of a British delegation whose objective was to improve trade and establish better diplomatic relations with the Chinese, who, at the time, restricted economic activity with foreigners to the port of Canton (Guangzhou). Although the group managed to secure an audience with the Qianlong Emperor - to whom the British envoy Lord Macartney famously refused to kowtow - their mission failed. Staunton kept detailed notes throughout his time in China, and in 1797 this two-volume account of the visit was published, and later translated into French and German. Volume 1 begins with a historical account of China's diplomatic relations with Britain and other nations, and then discusses the extensive preparations for the delegation's voyage, and the long journey itself, which took them round the Cape of Good Hope and through South-East Asia before arriving in China nine months later.

George Leonard Staunton (1737-1801) arrived in China in 1792 as a member of a British delegation whose objective was to improve trade and establish better diplomatic relations with the Chinese, who, at the time, restricted economic activity with foreigners to the port of Canton (Guangzhou). Although the group managed to secure an audience with the Qianlong Emperor - to whom the British envoy Lord Macartney famously refused to kowtow - their mission failed. Staunton kept detailed notes throughout his time in China, and in 1797 this two-volume account of the visit was published, and later translated into French and German. Volume 2 describes in detail the Emperor's reception of the British delegation - including a description and discussion of the kowtowing incident - thus giving a rare glimpse into the Imperial court at a time when Westerners were almost never allowed access. Staunton also provides further descriptions of the delegation's travels around China.

After studying medicine at Edinburgh, John Crawfurd (1783 1868) joined the medical service of the East India Company. While posted at Penang, he studied the Malay language and culture and became an expert in Eastern affairs. His talent was recognised by the British Government, which entrusted to him both administrative and diplomatic responsibilities. He was sent as an envoy on many missions, most notably to the Court of Siam (Thailand) where his efforts led to a possibility of opening up the diplomatic relations between the two countries, troubled since the seventeenth century. In 1827, he was sent on his last diplomatic assignment in the service of the East India Company, to the Court of Ava (then the capital of present-day Myanmar (Burma)). This 1829 work describes his experiences at Ava, and provided a reference source for subsequent missions. The appendix contains several relevant official communiqu s.

Some of those named as American ambassadors are the product of both a time-honored tradition and a thinly veiled form of corruption. 'American Ambassadors' explains how a person becomes an ambassador, where they go, what they do and why, in today's ever more globalized world, they are more important than ever.

In 1945, both the U.S. State Department and U.S. Intelligence saw Czechoslovakia as the master key to the balance of power in Europe and as a chessboard for the power-game between East and West. Washington believed that the political scene in Prague was the best available indicator of whether the United States would be able to coexist with Joseph Stalin's Soviet Union. In this book, Igor Lukes illuminates the end of World War II and the early stages of the Cold War in Prague, showing why the United States failed to prevent Czechoslovakia from being absorbed into the Soviet bloc. He draws on documents from archives in the United States and the Czech Republic, on the testimonies of high ranking officers who served in the U.S. Embassy from 1945 to 1948, and on unpublished manuscripts, diaries, and memoirs. Exploiting this wealth of evidence, Lukes paints a critical portrait of Ambassador Laurence Steinhardt. He shows that Steinhardt's groundless optimism caused Washington to ignore clear signs that democracy in Czechoslovakia was in trouble. Although U.S. Intelligence officials who served in Prague were committed to the mission of gathering information and protecting democracy, they were defeated by the Czech and Soviet clandestine services that proved to be more shrewd, innovative, and eager to win. Indeed, Lukes reveals that a key American officer may have been turned by the Russians. For all these reasons, when the Communists moved to impose their dictatorship, the U.S. Embassy and its CIA section were unprepared and powerless. The fall of Czechoslovakia in 1948 helped deepen Cold War tensions for decades to come. Vividly written and filled with colorful portraits of the key participants, On the Edge of the Cold War offers an authoritative account of this key foreign policy debacle.

The Islamic Republic of Iran faced a favorable strategic environment following the US invasions of Afghanistan in 2001 and Iraq in 2003. Its leadership attempted to exploit this window of opportunity by assertively seeking to expand Iran's interests throughout the Middle East. It fell far short, however, of fulfilling its long-standing ambition of becoming the dominant power in the Persian Gulf and a leading regional power in the broader Middle East. In Squandered Opportunity, Thomas Juneau develops a variant of neoclassical realism, a theory of foreign policy mistakes, to explore the causes and consequences of Iran's sub-optimal performance. He argues that while rising power drove Iranian assertiveness-as most variants of realism would predict-the peculiar nature of Iran's power and the intervention of specific domestic factors caused Iran's foreign policy to deviate, sometimes significantly, from what would be considered the potential optimal outcomes. Juneau explains that this sub-optimal foreign policy led to important and negative consequences for the country. Despite some gains, Iran failed to maximize its power, its security and its influence in three crucial areas: the Arab-Israeli conflict; Iraq; and the nuclear program. Juneau also predicts that, as the window of opportunity steadily closes for Iran, its power, security, and influence will likely continue to decline in coming years.

The New York Times said of Jozef Hieronim Retinger that he was on intimate terms with most leading statesmen of the Western World, including presidents of the United States. He has been repeatedly acknowledged as one of the principle architects of the movement for European unity after the World War II, and one of the outstanding creative political influences of the post war period. He has also been credited with being the dark master behind the so-called "Bilderberg Group," described variously as an organization of idealistic internationalists, and a malevolent global conspiracy. Before that, Retinger involved himself in intelligence activities during World War II and, given the covert and semi-covert nature of many of his activities, it is little wonder that no biography has appeared about him. This book draws on a broad range of international archives to rectify that.

Dancers as Diplomats chronicles the role of dance and dancers in American cultural diplomacy. In the early decades of the Cold War and the twenty-first century, American dancers toured the globe on tours sponsored by the US State Department. Dancers as Diplomats tells the story of how these tours in shaped and some times re-imagined ideas of America in unexpected, often sensational circumstances-pirouetting in Moscow as the Cuban Missile Crisis unfolded and dancing in Burma in the days just before the country held its first democratic elections. Based on more than seventy interviews with dancers who traveled on the tours, the book looks at a wide range of American dance companies, among them New York City Ballet, Alvin Ailey American Dance Theater, the Martha Graham Dance Company, Urban Bush Women, ODC/Dance, Ronald K. Brown/Evidence, and the Trey McIntyre Project, among others. These companies traveled the world. During the Cold War, they dance everywhere from the Soviet Union during the Cold War to Vietnam just months before the US abandoned Saigon. In the post 9/11 era, they traveled to Asia and Latin America, sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East.

In this bold new interpretation of the origins of ancient Rome's overseas empire, Dr Burton charts the impact of the psychology, language and gestures associated with the Roman concept of amicitia, or 'friendship'. The book challenges the prevailing orthodox Cold War-era realist interpretation of Roman imperialism and argues that language and ideals contributed just as much to Roman empire-building as military muscle. Using a constructivist theoretical framework drawn from international relations, Dr Burton replaces the modern scholarly fiction of a Roman empire built on networks of foreign clients and client-states with an interpretation grounded firmly in the discursive habits of the ancient texts themselves. The results better account for the peculiar rhythms of Rome's earliest period of overseas expansion - brief periods of vigorous military and diplomatic activity, such as the rolling back of Seleucid power in Asia Minor and Greece in 192-188 BC, followed by long periods of inactivity.

This is the first historical biography in English to be published on Egyptian scholar-diplomat, Boutros Boutros-Ghali, the most intellectually accomplished of the nine UN secretaries-general. The first African and first Arab to occupy the post, Boutros-Ghali held the office in the momentous five post-Cold War years (1992-1996), massively expanding UN peacekeeping and leading intellectual debates on development, democratisation, and human rights. He had earlier been a key architect of the Egypt-Israel peace treaty as Egypt's minister of state for foreign affairs, a major figure in Third World diplomacy, and a Professor of International Law and International Relations. This accessible biography sets Boutros-Ghali's career within the political, social, and cultural contexts from which he emerged. Please note: T&F does not sell or distribute the print version in Sub-Saharan Africa.

This study, a realist interpretation of the long diplomatic record that produced the coming of World War II in 1939, is a critique of the Paris Peace Conference and reflects the judgment shared by many who left the Conference in 1919 in disgust amid predictions of future war. The critique is a rejection of the idea of collective security, which Woodrow Wilson and many others believed was a panacea, but which was also condemned as early as 1915. This book delivers a powerful lesson in treaty-making and rejects the supposition that treaties, once made, are unchangeable, whatever their faults.

Few scholars have attempted to evaluate critically the role mediators play in managing international conflicts. Thomas Princen examines where mediation fits in the larger realm of diplomatic practice, going beyond the usual state-centric focus to account for the mediating activities of a wide range of actors-from superpowers to small states, from international organizations to nongovernmental groups.

Originally published in 1995.

The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

Recruited straight from university, Ernest Satow (1843 1929) became one of the most respected British diplomats, particularly in Japan, where he is still remembered. After a career spent mostly in the rapidly developing Far East, he retired in 1906. Just before the outbreak of war, he was asked to compile a work on international diplomacy, and 'Satow', as it has become known, was first published in 1917, and in updated versions has not been out of print since. Satow's work was pioneering, there being at that time no comprehensive study in English of diplomacy. Volume 1 covers the history of international diplomacy, its practice and legal matters, and is notable for the author's clear language, and the inclusion of often whimsical anecdotes to illustrate a point in discussion. Writing at a time of enormous international upheaval, Satow provides an illuminating insight into diplomacy before the age of instant communications.

Recruited straight from university, Ernest Satow (1843 1929) became one of the most respected British diplomats, particularly in Japan, where he is still remembered. After a career spent mostly in the rapidly developing Far East, he retired in 1906. Just before the outbreak of war, he was asked to compile a work on international diplomacy, and 'Satow', as it has become known, was first published in 1917, and in updated versions has not been out of print since. Satow's work was pioneering, there being at that time no comprehensive study in English of diplomacy. Volume 2 concentrates on international conferences and congresses from 1648. Lasting weeks, and sometimes months, such gatherings were often, until well into the twentieth century, the only occasion when heads of state or government met face to face. We still live today with the consequences of many of these meetings.

Originally published in 1990, as number 16 in the Royal Historical Society Guides and Handbooks Series, this volume catalogues British diplomatic representatives for the period 1509 to 1688. These 179 years are of particular significance as a period in which the foundations of modern English diplomatic practices and institutions were established. The text was designed to continue the publications of D. B. Horn and S. T. Bindoff, who, in separate volumes, catalogued diplomatic representatives for the period 1689 to 1852.

Richard, Marquess Wellesley (1760-1842) became one of the most controversial politicians of his generation during his time as Governor-General of Bengal (1798-1805). Although this period saw him achieve territorial gains and military victories in India - including the defeat of Tipu Sultan, the ruler of Mysore - the financial cost was considered too high. The East India Company Court of Directors in London disagreed with many of the changes he made, and Wellesley was forced to return to England. This five volume collection of papers, edited by the political activist and historian Robert Montgomery Martin (1800-1868), was published in 1836-1837 and documents Wellesley's period of office in India. Volume 4 focuses on the period 1804-1805, and includes documents about peace treaties with local rulers, the establishment of Fort William College for the training of British civil servants (especially in Asian languages), and Wellesley's final departure for England.

Richard, Marquess Wellesley (1760-1842) became one of the most controversial politicians of his generation during his time as Governor-General of Bengal (1798-1805). Although this period saw him achieve territorial gains in India, the financial cost was considered too high and many in London disagreed with the changes he made in Bengal. In 1809, after his return to Britain, he was appointed ambassador to Spain during the height of the Peninsular War (1808-1814) between France and an alliance of Britain, Spain and Portugal. His younger brother Arthur, the Duke of Wellington, was one of the key generals during this campaign. This collection of papers, published in 1838, covers this brief but dramatic period of Wellesley's career, after which he was appointed foreign secretary. Its editor, the political activist and historian Robert Montgomery Martin (1800-1868), also edited five volumes of Wellesley's Indian correspondence (also available in this series).

Richard, Marquess Wellesley (1760-1842) became one of the most controversial politicians of his generation during his time as Governor-General of Bengal (1798-1805). Although this period saw him achieve territorial gains and military victories in India - including the defeat of Tipu Sultan, the ruler of Mysore - the financial cost was considered too high. The East India Company Court of Directors in London disagreed with many of the changes he made, and Wellesley was forced to return to England. This five volume collection of papers, edited by the political activist and historian Robert Montgomery Martin (1800-1868), was published in 1836-1837 and documents Wellesley's period of office in India. Volume 1 (1836) contains correspondence between Wellesley and Indian rulers including the Nawob of Arcot and Tipu Sultan during the run-up to war, as well as letters to Britain's war secretary and army officials from 1797 to 1800.