This volume delivers a history of internationalism at the League of Nations and the United Nations (UN), with a focus on the period from the 1920s to the 1970s, when the nation-state ascended to global hegemony as a political formation. Combining global, regional and local scaes of analysis, the essays presented here provide an interpretation of the two institutions - and their complex interrelationship - that is planetary in scale but also pioneeringly multi-local. Our central argument is that although the League and the UN shaped internationalism from the centre, they were themselves moulded just as powerfully by internationalisms that welled up globally, far beyond Geneva and New York City. The contributions are organised into three broad thematic sections, the first focused on the production of norms, the second on the development of expertise and the third on the global re-ordering of empire. By showing how the ruptures and continuities between the two international organisations have shaped the content and format of what we now refer to as 'global governance', the collection determinedly sets the Cold War and the emergence of the Third World into a single analytical frame alongside the crisis of empire after World War One and the geopolitics of the Great Depression. Each of these essays reveals how the League of Nations and the United Nations provided a global platform for formalising and proliferating political ideas and how the two institutions generated new spectrums of negotiation and dissidence and re-codified norms. As an ensemble, the book shows how the League of Nations and the United Nations constructed and progressively re-fashioned the basic building blocks of international society right across the twentieth century. Developing the new international history's view of the League and UN as dynamic, complex forces, the book demonstrates that both organisations should be understood to have played an active role, not just in mediating a world of empires and then one of nation-states, but in forging the many principles and tenets by which international society is structured.

Mixing religion and public diplomacy can produce volatile results, but in a world in which the dissemination and influence of religious beliefs are enhanced by new communications technologies, religion is a factor in many foreign policy issues and must be addressed. Faith is such a powerful part of so many people's lives that it should be incorporated in public diplomacy efforts if they are to have meaningful resonance among the publics they are trying to reach. This book addresses key issues of faith in an increasingly connected and religious world and provides a better understanding of the role religion plays in public diplomacy.

This book investigates the underlying reasons for the longevity of detente and its impact on East-West relations. The volume examines the relevance of trade across the Iron Curtain as a means to facilitate mutual trust, as well as the emergence of new habits of transparency regardless of recurring military crises. A major theme of the book concerns Helmut Schmidt's foreign policy and his contribution to the resilience of cooperative security policies in East-West relations. It examines Schmidt's crucial role in the Euromissile crisis, his Ostpolitik diplomacy and his pan-European trade initiatives to engage the Soviet Union in a joint perspective of trade, industry and technology. Another key theme concerns the crisis in US-Soviet relations and the challenges of meaningful leadership communication between Washington and Moscow in the absence of backchannel diplomacy during the Carter years. The book depicts the freeze in US-Soviet relations after the Soviet invasion in Afghanistan, the declaration of martial law in Poland, and Helmut Schmidt's efforts to serve as a mediator and interpreter working for a relaunch of US-Soviet dialogue. Eventually, the book highlights George Shultz's pivotal role in the Reagan Administration's efforts to improve US-Soviet relations, well before Mikhail Gorbachev's arrival. This book will be of interest to students of Cold War studies, diplomatic history, foreign policy and international relations.

This volume traces the effects of involvement in the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars on the Ottoman Empire. The book analyzes Anglo-Ottoman relations in a series of studies of five British ambassadors at Constantinople and one Foreign Secretary, George Canning.

This book is an in-depth reflection and analysis on why and how unsettling empathy is a crucial component in reconciliatory processes. Located at the intersection of memory studies, reconciliation studies, and trauma studies, the book is at its core transdisciplinary, presenting a fresh perspective on how to conceive of concepts and practices when working with groups in conflict. The book Unsettling Empathy has come into being during a period of increasing cultural pessimism, where we witness the spread of populism and the rise of illiberal democracies that hark back to nationalist and ethnocentric narratives of the past. Because of this changed landscape, this book makes an important contribution to seeking fresh pathways toward an ethical practice of living together in light of past agonies and current conflicts. Within the specific context of working with groups in conflict, this book urges for an (ethical) posture of unsettling empathy. Empathy, which plays a vital role in these processes, is a complex and complicated phenomenon that is not without its critics who occasionally alert us to its dark side. The term empathy needs a qualifier to distinguish it from related phenomena such as pity, compassion, sympathy, benign paternalism, idealized identification, or voyeuristic appropriation. The word "unsettling" is just this crucial ingredient without which I would hesitate to bring empathy into our conversation.

Deng Xiaoping is widely acknowledged as the principal architect of China's economic reforms, but how far was he also responsible for shaping China's foreign policy which emphasized "peace and development"? This book explores Deng's foreign policy and shows how he established basic principles for China to have a foreign policy which supported economic development, which stressed "harmony" in the world rather than "hegemony", and which avoided conflict and nurtured a peaceful approach. The book outlines how Deng worked to normalize relations with both the United States and the Soviet Union, how he was disappointed by the lack of reciprocation by the United States, where relations are still portrayed in terms of "the China threat", and how the principles established by Deng continue to be adhered to.

With the second-largest economy and rapidly growing military strength, China is now an emerging regional and global super power, which makes it confronted with a sudden increase in opportunities, pressures and conflicts in terms of international issues. This book gives a comprehensive and systematic introduction to the development of China's diplomatic strategies since 1980s, which have been changed approximately every ten years to cope with the complicated and changing international situations. In 1980s, China took "non-alignment" to create a solid external environment for the reform and opening-up which had just been initiated. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, upheaval in Eastern Europe and the end of the Cold War in 1990s, China adopted the principle of "keeping a low profile and making some contributions", to adhere to the road of socialism while avoid making enemies. Nowadays, due to the continuous enhancement of national power and international status, China replaces "making some contributions" with "making positive actions", to get more actively involved in international affairs. This book will be a valuable reference for studies in China's diplomacy and international relations. Readers interested in contemporary China will also be attracted by it.

The Sit Room brings you inside the secretive Situation Room of the White House, the most important deliberative room in the world, during the early 1990s when the author was one of the policymakers who framed the Clinton Administration's policy towards the bloody Balkans War. Drawing upon newly declassified documents and his own notes, David Scheffer, who later became America's first Ambassador-at-Large for War Crimes Issues, weaves the true story of how policy options were debated in the Sit Room among the highest national security officials. The road to a final peace deal in late 1995 came at the high price of the murderous siege of Sarajevo and ethnic cleansing of mostly Bosnian Muslims from their homes and towns, including the genocide of Srebrenica's men and teenage boys. The Sit Room reveals the behind-the-scenes story about how American policy evolved-often futilely-to try to stop an intractable war and its shocking atrocities. Main actors in the Sit Room include: the assertive Ambassador to the United Nations, Madeleine Albright; the State Department's ace negotiator, Richard Holbrooke; the cerebral National Security Adviser, Tony Lake; the immigrant Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, John Shalikashvili; the bulldog Deputy National Security Adviser, Sandy Berger; and White House moralist, David Gergen. For almost three years, the Sit Room was littered with shattered proposals to end the war-until armed force backed up diplomacy to compel a fragile peace deal. The Sit Room reveals authentic policy-making at the highest levels, with a unique journey into the arena of war and peace where spirited debate guided America's foreign policy.

Despite changes in the international constellation since "Russia and Germany "initially appeared in 1965, the relationship between these two nations remains the most important single issue in European politics and East-West affairs. This study of what Russians and Germans have thought of each other and the fateful consequences of their interacting ideas is of lasting significance.

The fact that Russia and Germany have embodied extreme manifestations of the totalitarian plague in the twentieth century. After briefly exploring the historical origins of Russophobia in Germany and of anti-Germanism in Russia, Laqueur reviews in detail the confrontation of Nazism and Bolshevism that culminated in World War II. He deals with the Russian origins of National Socialism and the ideology of the Russian far right from the days of the "Black Hundred" to its recent revival.

This edition includes a major new introduction by the author, reviewing developments in the relationship between Russia and Germany in the last 25 years, and speculating about its future. Long out of print, "Russia and Germany "will be again welcomed by political scientists, students of international relations, and all those with an interest in recent history and current events.

For historians centennial commemorations furnish an excellent heuristic tool for gauging late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century attitudes towards the past and the present. Centenary celebrations helped to revive, perpetuate and reinforce public perceptions of historical events and people in collective memory. They were fairly infrequent before 1850 but increased in size and numbers by the end of the long nineteenth century, so much so that a 'cult of the centenary' had become established throughout the wider Western world around 1900. At one level, such events were ephemeral affairs. And yet many left a lasting legacy. Above all, as part of the contemporary processes of the 'invention of traditions' and the conscious national 'self-historicization' of the established nation-states, they offer crucial insights into the social, cultural and political dynamics of the period.

Initially published in French under the title "Operation Nemesis, "this revealing work is now available to the English-speaking public for the first time. It ranks as a major revision in the historic study of the Armenian resistance to the Ottoman genocide of Armenians.

"Operation Nemesis "is a study of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (the Tashnak Party) and the individuals responsible for the execution of Turkish leaders. Until Derogy's book, it had been assumed that the assassins were acting out of personal and emotional motives. But through an amazing amount of detective work, it becomes clear that they were in fact part of a disciplined effort to seek retribution for historic crimes against the Armenian people.

The work richly details Turkish plans for the liquidation of the Armenian people, the individuals selected to liquidate the genocidists, and above all, and most complex, to document for the first time the role of the organized Armenian political opposition to Turkish rule. In doing so, Derogy brings to light the relation between the legal party and its extra-legal arm; the mechanisms needed to implement the daring plan of assassination; and the special postwar circumstances in which the Armenian nation found itself - torn asunder by a Turkish-Soviet detente in which the independence of Armenia became the sacrificial pawn.

Derogy worked closely with scholars around the world, and interviewed firsthand remaining survivors who had direct contact with the events described. His is a detective story of the first rank, no less than a piece of historical reconstruction with obvious portent for current Armenian efforts to recapture political legitimacy and personal pride.

This is the first introduction to the United Nation's activities during the Cold War period. It combines a history of the UN with a broader account of east-west diplomacy during the Cold War and after. Norrie MacQueen begins by looking at the formation, structure and functions of the UN. Then, within a chronological framework, he assesses its contribution to international security from the emergence of the UN's peacekeeping role in 1945-56 right through to UN operations in the 1990s in Angola, Somalia and Bosnia.

The League of Nations - pre-cursor to the United Nations - was founded in 1919 as a response to the First World War to ensure collective security and prevent the outbreak of future wars. It was set up to facilitate diplomacy in the face of future international conflict, but also to work towards eradicating the very causes of war by promoting social and economic justice. The philosophy behind much of the League's fascinating and varied roles was to help create satisfied populations who would reject future threats to the peace of their world. In this new volume for Seminar Studies, Martyn Housden sets out to balance the League's work in settling disputes, international security and disarmament with an analysis of its achievements in social and economic fields. He explores the individual contributions of founding members of the League, such as Fridtjof Nansen, Ludwik Rajchman, Rachel Crowdy, Robert Cecil and Jan Smuts, whose humanitarian work laid the foundations for the later successes of the United Nations in such areas as: the welfare of vulnerable people, especially prisoners of war and refugees dealing with epidemic diseases and promoting good health anti-drugs campaigns Supported by previously unpublished documents and photographs, this book illustrates how an understanding of the League of Nations, its achievements and its ultimate failure to stop the Second World War, is central to our understanding of diplomacy and international relations in the Inter-War period.

This book continues the "creative involvement" proposition put forward in Creative Involvement: A New Direction in China's Diplomacy with new cases and stories to enrich its content. It discusses China's global role, and explores its root cause of formation, development stages, and future direction. The main conclusion is that this role is preliminary and incomplete and needs continuous learning and improvement; China standing on the global high ground needs not only hard power but also wisdom and creativity. On research methods and writing approach, firstly, this book follows the philosophy of "practice first", namely, starting from historical experiences, focusing on practical issues, and exploring objectives and clues through case studies. Secondly, the three parts in the book have different sub-themes, but they are subject to the same thinking, that is, how does China advance toward a central role from the marginal edge of contemporary international system, how to develop doctrines or practices for China's involvement in world affairs, and how to borrow the experiences of others to help China move forward on the global high ground. Combing innovative theoretical idea with practical investigation, this book will not only contribute to contemporary China Diplomatic studies but also appeal to scholars and students of International Relation studies. People who are interested in the rise of China and global governance will also benefit from this book.

After the shock of the 1920 Treaty of Trianon, which Hungarians perceived as an unfair dictate, the leaders of the country found it imperative to change Hungary's international image in a way that would help the revision of the post-World War I settlement. The monograph examines the development of interwar Hungarian cultural diplomacy in three areas: universities, the tourist industry, and the media-primarily motion pictures and radio production. It is a story of the Hungarian elites' high hopes and deep-seated anxieties about the country's place in a Europe newly reconstructed after World War I, and how these elites perceived and misperceived themselves, their surroundings, and their own ability to affect the country's fate. The defeat in the Great War was crushing, but it was also stimulating, as Nagy documents in his examination of foreign language journals, tourism, radio, and other tools of cultural diplomacy. The mobilization of diverse cultural and intellectual resources, the author argues, helped establish Hungary's legitimacy in the international arena, contributed to the modernization of the country, and established a set of enduring national images. Though the study is rooted in Hungary, it explores the dynamic and contingent relationship between identity construction and transnational cultural and political currents in East-Central European nations in the interwar period.

In recent decades, India has grown as a global power, and has been able to pursue its own goals in its own way. Negotiating for India's Global Role gives an insightful and integrated analysis of India's ability to manage its evolving role. Former ambassadors Teresita and Howard Schaffer shine a light on the country's strategic vision, foreign policy, and the negotiating behaviour that links the two. The four concepts woven throughout the book offer an exploration of India today: its exceptionalism; nonalignment and the drive for "strategic autonomy;" determination to maintain regional primacy; and, more recently, its surging economy. With a specific focus on India's stellar negotiating practice, Negotiating for India's Global Role is a unique, comprehensive understanding of India as an emerging international power player, and the choices it will face between its classic view of strategic autonomy and the desirability of finding partners in the fast-evolving world.

This book contributes to contemporary debates on the effectiveness of international humanitarian law (IHL) in regulating or prohibiting inhumane weapons, such as landmines. Two treaties have emerged under IHL in response to the humanitarian scourge of landmines. However, despite a considerable body of related literature, clear understandings have not been established on the effectiveness of these international legal frameworks in meeting the challenges that prompted their creation. This book seeks to address this lacuna. An analytical framework grounded in regime theory helps move beyond the limitations in the current literature through a structured focus on principles, norms, rules, procedures, actors and issue areas. On the one hand, this clarifies how political considerations determine opportunities and constraints in designing and implementing IHL regimes. On the other, it enables us to explore how and why 'ideal' policy prescriptions are threatened when faced with complex challenges in post-conflict contexts. This book will be of much interest to students of international humanitarian law, global governance, human security and IR in general.

The book focuses on Aristide's political career, emphasizing his strategizing, compromising and dealing with the Clinton administration. In his presentation of the conflict, Girard carefully balances Aristide's and Clinton's needs, and the demands and moral positions the leaders make against each other--the result is that each leader and his constituency comes to life, and their maneuverings and decisions become engaging and meaningful. While Girard focuses on the conflict itself and the foreign policy dynamics at play between Haiti and the US, he also paints a compelling picture of contemporary Haiti and delineates with great clarity the tensions which led to recent violence and the deposition of Aristide.

Very few works of history, if any, delve into the daily interactions of U.S. Foreign Service members in Latin America during the era of Roosevelt's Good Neighbor Policy. But as Jorrit van den Berk argues, the encounters between these rank-and-file diplomats and local officials reveal the complexities, procedures, intrigues, and shifting alliances that characterized the precarious balance of U.S. foreign relations with right-wing dictatorial regimes. Using accounts from twenty-two ministers and ambassadors, Becoming a Good Neighbor among Dictators is a careful, sophisticated account of how the U.S. Foreign Service implemented ever-changing State Department directives from the 1930s through the Second World War and early Cold War, and in so doing, transformed the U.S.-Central American relationship. How did Foreign Service officers translate broad policy guidelines into local realities? Could the U.S. fight dictatorships in Europe while simultaneously collaborating with dictators in Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras? What role did diplomats play in the standoff between democratic and authoritarian forces? In investigating these questions, Van den Berk draws new conclusions about the political culture of the Foreign Service, its position between Washington policymakers and local actors, and the consequences of foreign intervention.

A rare account by a foreigner working in Japan in the 20th century; a unique insight into this important period of Japan's history; complements existing material. First a student interpreter, then an assistant in Korea, Vice-Consul in Yokohama and Osaka, Consul in Nagasaki and Dairen, then Consul-General in Seoul, Osaka, Mukden and Tientsin. Not a contemporary diary as such, but a write-up of notes made towards the end of White's career spanning thirty-eight years. Importantly, it includes reflective passages on the momentous developments of the later 1930s, as Japan moved onto a war-footing in China - and as Consul-General in the Chinese treaty port of Tianjin under Japanese occupation, White was in the middle of the growing tensions between Britain and Japan. His post-war recollections are also valuable. Like others who had lived and worked in Japan, he sought to come to terms with what had happened to the country in which he had spent so much of his adult life. Along the way he provides fascinating vignettes of his colleagues, some well known, others less so, while his service in Seoul, Mukden (now Shenyang) and Tianjin provides fresh material on the Japanese colonial empire.

After September 2001, which triggered a global debate on public diplomacy, 'PD' has become an issue in most countries, ranging from Canada to New Zealand and from Argentina to Mongolia. Many ministries of foreign affairs now develop a public diplomacy policy of their own. Their association with public diplomacy can be seen as a symptom of the rise of soft power or, at another level, as the effect of broader processes of change in diplomatic practice. The new public diplomacy has in fact become part of the changing fabric of international relations. Foreign publics now matter to practitioners of diplomacy that was unthinkable as little as 25 years ago. This book joins the debate on public diplomacy. Experts based in five different countries and from a variety of fields analyze the theory and practice of public diplomacy. They also evaluate how public diplomacy can be successfully used to support foreign policy.

The summer of 2016 saw one of the most significant citizen protests in the history of democratic South Korea, eventually culminating in the impeachment and conviction of then President Park Geun-hye for corruption. Concerns about the president's behavior were raised in a polarized media environment with low public trust, where extreme right-wing media outlets amplified conspiracy theories and false claims in opposition to impeachment. How then was it possible for pro-impeachment protests seeking major social change to succeed? And why did pro-Park protesters and government efforts to defend Park ultimately fail? Based on interviews with key players in the impeachment movement and original analyses of news reports and social media posts, Networked Collective Actions untangles the intricate interactions among different actors that were supported and sometimes constrained by the technological, socio-political, and legal environments in which they occurred. Moreover, Hyunjin Seo develops a theoretical framework for understanding collective actions in dynamic information ecosysems and analyzes how information consumption patterns might prompt someone to either immediately reject a certain piece of information or to reconsider and adopt that same information. Seo provides a nuanced examination of the role of journalism in a democracy where non-traditional intermediaries (e.g., social media influencers and bots) have emerged as important producers and filters of information, and in light of declining trust in news media.

The Russo-Japanese war of 1904-5 has been seen as the turning point of the development of the modern world. Written by a specialist in Japanese diplomacy, this book has been described by the Times Higher Education Supplement as 'diplomatic history at its very best'.

This book presents pieces of evidence, which - taken together - lead to an argument that goes against the grain of the established Cold War narrative. The argument is that a "long detente" existed between East and West from the 1950s to the 1980s, that it existed and lasted for good (economic, national security, societal) reasons, and that it had a profound impact on the outcome of the conflict between East and West and the quintessentially peaceful framework in which this "endgame" was played. By offering new, Euro-centered narratives that include both West and East European perspectives, the contributions of this volume point to critical inconsistencies and inherent problems in the traditional U.S. dominated narrative of the "Victory in the Cold War." Yet rather than replacing this narrative, the argument of a "long detente" demonstrates that this can and needs to be augmented with the plentitude of European experiences and perceptions.After all, it was Europe - its peoples, societies, and states - that stood both at the ideological and military frontline of the conflict between East and West, and it was here that the struggle between liberalism and communism was eventually decided.

First Published in 1986. The Arab League, founded in 1945, was regarded by many as a ploy of the British to secure the cooperation and goodwill of the Arabs during the Second World War and as an instrument to ensure the British presence in the Middle East after the war. This book presents a different picture. The British policy was a far cry from supporting the Arab unity movement. On the contrary, the British Government tried to forestall that movement or, at least, to postpone its implementation until after the end of the Second World War. Anthony Eden's famous Mansion House speech of May 1941 was not intended to signal a drastic change in the British Middle Eastern policy, but rather to fore stall a strongly pro-Zionist proposal which had been put forward by Winston Churchill. It is true that there were some British personalities (mainly unofficial) who supported the Arab unity trend, but the thrust of their positive argument was that a broader framework of Arab federation would be instrumental in helping to solve the intractable problem of Palestine. What might surprise some readers is the fact that some highly important Zionist leaders were the main protagonists of that idea, believing that if the Arabs were to obtain satisfaction of their national aspirations through unity they {the Arabs) would adopt a much more moderate attitude towards the Zionist movement in Palestine. The Arab leaders and rulers tried to bring about a higher degree of cooperation or even a federation of their countries, either for dynastic or political reasons. But the British negative reaction was not always crystal clear, owing to the more favourable attitude typical of many, including the top, British representatives in the Middle East.