This volume describes and analyses the methods Germany used to reinforce Spain's independence thereby preventing Madrid's entry into the war on the Allied side. While there have been many studies dealing with the wartime economic histories of Holland, Switzerland, Denmark and Iceland, Spain, physically large and strategically situated has been largely ignored, with little American study of Spanish relations with the European belligerents having been done. Particular attention is paid to the forceful personality of Spanish King Alfonso XIII, who shrewdly used his special friendship with Kaiser Wilhelm II for Spanish profit: he remained a Francophile who shrewdly manipulated the Germans into thinking he favoured their side. At the same time Alfonso fended off the embrace of the Entente.

First published in 1973, European Technology analyses the possibilities for cooperation and collaboration and suggests how the technology 'gap' between Europe and the United States can be bridged. Concentrating mainly on aerospace, nuclear and computer fields Roger Williams looks at the aspirations and achievements in technological cooperation both within the EEC and without. How can commitment to join projects be generated? What are the internal managerial and external political problems associated with joint action? How will technological collaboration contribute to wider European economic and political integration. The strength of the European economy will depend to a large extent on improved technological and industrial cooperation. This book provides the first theoretical foundation for policy making in this vital field. This book is a must read for scholars and researchers of European politics, European history and British politics.

This interdisciplinary book explores how terrorism is meant to target a government's legitimacy, and advocates for sounder defensive measures when countering international attacks. The dramatic increase in global cooperation throughout the twentieth century-between international organisations and their state missions of diplomats, foreign officers, international civil servants, intelligence officers, military personnel, police investigators, judges, legislators, and financial regulators-has had a bearing on the shape and content of the domestic political order. The rules that govern all of these interactions, and the diplomats engaged to monitor and advocate for compliance, have undergone a mushrooming development following the conclusion of each world war. This dramatic growth is arguably the most significant change the international structure has experienced since the inception of the state-based system ushered in with the Peace of Westphalia in 1648. International Law, New Diplomacy and Counterterrorism explores the impact of this growth on domestic legitimacy through the integration of two disciplines: international law and political philosophy. Focusing particularly on the cross-border counterterrorism actions launched by the United States, the author investigates how civil societies have often turned to the standards of international law to understand and judge the legitimacy of their government's counterterrorism policies reaching across international borders. The book concludes that those who craft counterterrorism policies must be attentive to defending the target of legitimacy by being wholly mindful of the realms of legality, morality and efficacy when exercising force. This book will be of much interest to students of international law, diplomacy, counterterrorism, political philosophy, security studies and IR.

Dealing with a Juggernaut: Analyzing Poland's Policy towards Russia, 1989 2009, by Joanna A. Gorska, is the first substantial study of Poland's foreign policy interaction with its more powerful eastern neighbor, Russia. This study is essential to understanding the prospects for order and peace in Central and Eastern Europe towards Russia during the past twenty years. Gorska challenges widely established interpretations of Poland's post-1989 foreign policy by arguing that consecutive Polish governments pursued a largely cooperative policy towards Russia and did so because of material power considerations, namely Poland's strengthened power position after the Cold War and moderate security pressures from Russia. In analyzing Polish foreign policy, Dealing with a Juggernaut draws on leading theories in the field of International Relations and Foreign Policy Analysis and develops a comprehensive theoretical framework to guide empirical research. Representing a cross-section of politically important areas in Poland's most recent Russia policy, the analysis is delineated along four case studies: the Soviet military withdrawal from Poland in the early 1990s, the NATO issue in Polish policy towards Russia, Polish energy policy towards Moscow, and the Katyn question in Polish foreign policy. This book uses previously unpublished archival material, interviews with leading Polish officials, and a wealth of Polish publications to provide an insight into Warsaw's foreign policy behavior. Gorska points to a departure from hostility and imposition a significant change in Poland's policy towards Russia after 1989. As such, Dealing with a Juggernaut, by Joanna A. Gorska, uncovers important mechanisms of regional cooperation between states with a checkered past."

Professor Tommy Koh is Singapore's Ambassador-at-Large at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Rector of Tembusu College, Special Adviser of the Institute of Policy Studies, and Chairman of the Centre for International Law, National University of Singapore. In his distinguished career, Prof Koh has served as Singapore's Permanent Representative to the United Nations, as Ambassador to the United States of America, as President of the Third UN Conference on the Law of the Sea and Chairman of the Preparatory Committee and the Main Committee of the UN Conference on Environment and Development. He was the UN Secretary-General's Special Envoy to Russia, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. He chaired two dispute panels for the WTO. He was also Singapore's Chief Negotiator for the US-Singapore Free Trade Agreement. He was also the chairman of the group which drafted the Asean Charter. He chairs three committees for the National University of Singapore relating to law, Asia research and environmental management. An active patron of the arts, Prof Koh has served as Chairman of the National Heritage Board, National Arts Council and many other cultural groups. In recognition of his meritorious public service and achievements, he was conferred many honours, both locally and internationally. He has been named as 'Champion of the Earth' in 2006 by the UN Environment Programme (UNEP). Prof Koh has been selected to receive Harvard's 2014 Great Negotiator Award sponsored by the Program on Negotiation based at Harvard Law School (an interuniversity consortium of Harvard, MIT, and Tufts) as well as Harvard's Program on the Future of Diplomacy. This collection of Prof Koh's favourite essays and lectures gives the reader an insight into his illustrious academic and diplomatic career. The volume also includes his articles on diplomacy and international law, art, culture, heritage, nature and environmental issues.

Professor Tommy Koh is Singapore's Ambassador-at-Large at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Rector of Tembusu College, Special Adviser of the Institute of Policy Studies, and Chairman of the Centre for International Law, National University of Singapore. In his distinguished career, Prof Koh has served as Singapore's Permanent Representative to the United Nations, as Ambassador to the United States of America, as President of the Third UN Conference on the Law of the Sea and Chairman of the Preparatory Committee and the Main Committee of the UN Conference on Environment and Development. He was the UN Secretary-General's Special Envoy to Russia, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. He chaired two dispute panels for the WTO. He was also Singapore's Chief Negotiator for the US-Singapore Free Trade Agreement. He was also the chairman of the group which drafted the Asean Charter. He chairs three committees for the National University of Singapore relating to law, Asia research and environmental management. An active patron of the arts, Prof Koh has served as Chairman of the National Heritage Board, National Arts Council and many other cultural groups. In recognition of his meritorious public service and achievements, he was conferred many honours, both locally and internationally. He has been named as 'Champion of the Earth' in 2006 by the UN Environment Programme (UNEP). Prof Koh has been selected to receive Harvard's 2014 Great Negotiator Award sponsored by the Program on Negotiation based at Harvard Law School (an interuniversity consortium of Harvard, MIT, and Tufts) as well as Harvard's Program on the Future of Diplomacy. This collection of Prof Koh's favourite essays and lectures gives the reader an insight into his illustrious academic and diplomatic career. The volume also includes his articles on diplomacy and international law, art, culture, heritage, nature and environmental issues.

This book identifies and addresses subtle but important questions and issues associated with the configuration of International Relations as a discipline. Starting with a much-needed discussion of manifold implications and issues associated with pluralism, the book raises important questions, such as where does the field of IR stand in terms of epistemological, theoretical, and methodological diversity. The book also carries out a comparative analysis of the present status of post-positivist IR scholarship in the United States and China.Eun discusses these questions through a close reading of the key texts in the field and by undertaking a critical survey of publishing and teaching practices in IR communities. IR scholars will gravitate to this text that fills many gaps in international political theory.

Slovenia is regarded today as a free country and consolidated democracy, with some problems with corruption, independent media, and independent judiciary. Since its independence in 1991, Slovenia has put in place democratic institutions of state organization, undergone major capital rearrangements, and achieved both of the starting objectives of new international involvement by entering the EU and NATO. On January 1st, 2007, Slovenia was the first among former socialist countries to take on the common European currency. Slovenia has been subject to highly varying assessments during the construction of its democratic political system; it has been acknowledged as "a ripe democracy," complete democracy," or, alternatively, "apparent" or "virtual democracy." The move negative assessments of the Slovenian political system are related to the persistence of authoritarian behavior patterns and manipulation of democratic institutions that have found its way into the structures of political parties. This book follows the Slovenian evolution from the second-smallest Yugoslav republic to one of the most successful post-communist countries in Central Europe.

Remembering the Cold War examines how, more than two decades since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Cold War legacies continue to play crucial roles in defining national identities and shaping international relations around the globe. Given the Cold War's blurred definition - it has neither a widely accepted commencement date nor unanimous conclusion - what is to be remembered? This book illustrates that there is, in fact, a huge body of 'remembrance,' and that it is more pertinent to ask: what should be included and what can be overlooked? Over five sections, this richly illustrated volume considers case studies of Cold War remembering from different parts of the world, and engages with growing theorisation in the field of memory studies, specifically in relation to war. David Lowe and Tony Joel afford careful consideration to agencies that identify with being 'victims' of the Cold War. In addition, the concept of arenas of articulation, which envelops the myriad spaces in which the remembering, commemorating, memorialising, and even revising of Cold War history takes place, is given prominence.

The Chinese Hsinhai Revolution explores and explains for the first time the important role of G. E. Morrison in great power diplomacy in China from the end of the Russo-Japanese War to the overthrow of the Qing Dynasty. The work is based on a wide range of multinational scholarly sources and in order to develop the context in which Morrison carried out his personal diplomacy and to delineate the many-sided story into which Morrison has to be placed, Woodhouse has in addition to mining the very rich Morrison collection, drawn upon British, Japanese and American personal and official materials.

Although cultural diplomacy has become an increasingly fashionable term embraced by academics, foreign-service personnel, and private sector commercial and cultural interests, the very practice of this idea remains conspicuously challenging to define. This book takes on this problem, advancing a new understanding of cultural diplomacy that results from a historical investigation of a single area of government and private sector partnership, and what became in the mid-twentieth century the most prominent manifestation of this alliance-the cultural exhibitions sent abroad to "tell America's story" with the goal of "winning hearts and minds." To illustrate this point, selected exhibitions and the intentions of the policymakers who proposed them are interrogated for the first time beside archival documentation, writings from the history of design, advertising, science, as well as art historical and museum studies theories that address various aspects of the history of collecting and display, all of which explore the reality of how these exhibitions were conceived and prepared for foreign audiences. Most importantly, personal interviews with the designers and government representatives responsible for the ultimate appearance of these events upturn preconceived notions of how these events came to be. Seventy-five photographs from the exhibits make this history come alive. Through this discussion these questions are answered: What was America showing of itself through these exhibitions? And, more urgently, what do these exhibitions tell us about U.S. interest in verisimilitude? This investigation spans the crucial years of American exhibitions abroad (1955-1975), beginning with the formation of an official system of exhibiting American commercial wares and political ideas at trade fairs, through official exchanges with the U.S.S.R., to pavilions at world's fairs, and finally to museum exhibitions that signaled a return to the display of founding American values. They are thus complex ideological symbols in which concepts of national identity, globalization, technology, consumerism, design, and image management both coincided and clashed. The investigation of these exhibitions enhances the understanding of a significant chapter of U.S. cultural diplomacy at the height of the Cold War and how America constantly reimagined itself.

This volume explores the bilateral treaties concluded after 1990 between the Republic of Poland and its neighbouring states (Germany, then-Czechoslovakia, Ukraine, the Russian Federation, Belarus and Lithuania), known as treaties on neighbourly relations or good neighbourhood treaties. These treaties, through which Poland and its neighbours were able to establish their political, security and social relations, were extremely significant in that they provided a unique way for them to organise their interstate post-Cold War relations. This book analyses the consequences of these treaties and addresses a variety of issues, including security policy and cooperation, migration, national minority rights, economic cooperation, education, and cross-border cooperation.

Originally published in 1991, The Roots of Appeasement outlines the attitudes of the British weekly press and its editors to Nazism and to German and British foreign policies during the 1930s. It analyses and interprets the reasons which underlay those attitudes. Aided by the evidence of the weeklies, it sheds additional light on the roots and development of appeasement. After introducing the weeklies and their editors, the study conveys and examines their attitudes to the European crises of 1935-9 and one chapter focusses on the popular fear of air attack as reflected in the journals. The major conclusion of the book is that a consensus supporting appeasement emerged in the weeklies in the course of 1935 and that it remained virtually intact until September 1938.

In the first edition (2010), Zhiqun Zhu examined the rationale and strategies of China's new multi-directional diplomacy since the early 1990s and assessed its impact on international political economy as well as responses from the international community. This fully revised second edition is still based on extensive research addressing these and other important policy issues whilst incorporating the latest major Chinese diplomatic activities since the last edition was published. This book continues to cover Chinese initiatives in the Middle East, Latin America and the Caribbean, Africa, Central Asia, Southeast Asia and the South Pacific and studies China's current efforts to secure energy and other resources, to expand trade and investment, and to enhance 'soft power' around the world. The author further evaluates how China's activities affect these regions' political economy and how the international community, especially the United States, has reacted to China's new diplomacy. Whilst continuing to answer some lingering questions about Chinese foreign policy and its implications for both China and the international community as they become increasingly interdependent, this paperback edition is adapted for classroom use and provides questions for discussion to help readers review the key empirical and theoretical points of each chapter.

In the first edition (2010), Zhiqun Zhu examined the rationale and strategies of China's new multi-directional diplomacy since the early 1990s and assessed its impact on international political economy as well as responses from the international community. This fully revised second edition is still based on extensive research addressing these and other important policy issues whilst incorporating the latest major Chinese diplomatic activities since the last edition was published. This book continues to cover Chinese initiatives in the Middle East, Latin America and the Caribbean, Africa, Central Asia, Southeast Asia and the South Pacific and studies China's current efforts to secure energy and other resources, to expand trade and investment, and to enhance 'soft power' around the world. The author further evaluates how China's activities affect these regions' political economy and how the international community, especially the United States, has reacted to China's new diplomacy. Whilst continuing to answer some lingering questions about Chinese foreign policy and its implications for both China and the international community as they become increasingly interdependent, this paperback edition is adapted for classroom use and provides questions for discussion to help readers review the key empirical and theoretical points of each chapter.

From the rising significance of non-state actors to the increasing influence of regional powers, the nature and conduct of international politics has arguably changed dramatically since the height of the Cold War. Yet much of the literature on deterrence and compellence continues to draw (whether implicitly or explicitly) upon assumptions and precepts formulated in-and predicated upon-politics in a state-centric, bipolar world. Coercion moves beyond these somewhat hidebound premises and examines the critical issue of coercion in the 21st century, with a particular focus on new actors, strategies and objectives in this very old bargaining game. The chapters in this volume examine intra-state, inter-state, and transnational coercion and deterrence as well as both military and non-military instruments of persuasion, thus expanding our understanding of coercion for conflict in the 21st century. ? Scholars have analyzed the causes, dynamics, and effects of coercion for decades, but previous works have principally focused on a single state employing conventional military means to pressure another state to alter its behavior. In contrast, this volume captures fresh developments, both theoretical and policy relevant. This chapters in this volume focus on tools (terrorism, sanctions, drones, cyber warfare, intelligence, and forced migration), actors (insurgents, social movements, and NGOs) and mechanisms (trilateral coercion, diplomatic and economic isolation, foreign-imposed regime change, coercion of nuclear proliferators, and two-level games) that have become more prominent in recent years, but which have yet to be extensively or systematically addressed in either academic or policy literatures.

Cold War Statesmen Confront the Bomb: Nuclear Diplomacy Since 1945 is a path-breaking work that uses biographical techniques to test one of the most important and widely debated questions in international politics: Did the advent of the nuclear bomb prevent the Third World War? Many scholars and much conventional wisdom assumes that nuclear deterrence has prevented major power war since the end of the Second World War; this remains a principal tenet of US strategic policy today. Others challenge this assumption, and argue that major war would have been `obsolete' even without the bomb. This book tests these propositions by examining the careers of ten leading Cold War statesmen-Harry S Truman; John Foster Dulles; Dwight D. Eisenhower; John F. Kennedy; Josef Stalin; Nikita Krushchev; Mao Zedong; Winston Churchill; Charles De Gaulle; and Konrad Adenauer-and asking whether they viewed war, and its acceptability, differently after the advent of the bomb. The book's authors argue almost unanimously that nuclear weapons did have a significant effect on the thinking of these leading statesmen of the nuclear age, but a dissenting epilogue from John Mueller challenges this thesis.

In Engaging China, Gurtov identifies and details the many facets of China that worry critics. But he also argues for a strategy of coexistence that allows for economic and technological competition while managing frictions over issues so diverse as human rights and access to the South China Sea. This book is wide-ranging but compact; realistic but value-oriented; clearly argued but backed by extensive references to documents and scholarly literature--including writings by leading Chinese scholars who also seek a viable modus vivendi between the two great powers.

The current monograph is the result of many years of work by the author in the field of the understudied concept of network diplomacy and the possibilities of using it in resolving sharp conflicts in order to facilitate their more effective resolution, as well as the possibilities of using the elements of network diplomacy in peaceful spheres of world politics, business and private sector. The main part of the book consists of case-studies that are dedicated to the possible use of network diplomacy in "problem" zones (the Libyan crisis, the conflict in Syria, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, the armed conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh), as well as in areas of peaceful coexistence (international sport, culture and humanitarian ties, twin cities, cross years etc). Some chapters are particularly dedicated to Russia's possible involvement in network solutions to the conflicts. This study will offer insights into how Russian diplomats are hoping to build a new peace today.

Kurds and their Struggle of Autonomy: Enduring Identity and Clientelism is a comprehensive study of the roots of Kurdish identity, the processes of identity formation among the Kurds, and the Kurds' seemingly never-ending struggle for self-determination. By relying on a hybrid theoretical model of identity politics, this book offers a thorough treatment of the origins, characteristics, and evolution of Kurdish culture in general, and political culture in particular. It also examines the historical explanations and nuances of Kurdish struggles for some form of autonomy, assesses economic imperatives that shape the potentials and challenges of Kurdish social and political life, and offers a critical review of the contemporary Kurdish institutional and policy dynamics in Iraq and Syria.

Since the 1950s, Japan-Europe relations have been characterised by a mutual coldness in terms of diplomatic dialogue, punctuated by a number of trade disputes. This book analyses the development of the political and diplomatic relationship between Japan and Europe, and shows that - especially during the Cold War years - whilst they share a wide range of political values and goals, the quality of diplomatic relations has often been sacrificed to both overcome trade issues and as a result of systemic factors. Focusing on the institutionalization of relations between Japan and the EU, this book examines both the historical-diplomatic dimension and political-strategic discourse. It traces the historical development of the relationship from the post-war years, to the signing of the Japan-EU action plan in 2001, which marked a key turning point in the relationship. It goes on to examine the achievements and criticisms of ASEM, the Asia-Europe Meeting, which whilst meeting successfully for the past sixteen years, has also been condemned as little more than a talking shop. Crucially, Oliviero Frattolillo's analysis clearly demonstrates how the interaction between Japan and the EU has been constructed on the basis of their perceptions of each other, thus underlining the inherent impact of different political identities, cultures and values on international relations. Providing a keen insight into Japan-EU relations, this book will appeal to students and scholars of Japanese and European history and politics, as well as those interested in the history of international relations and security studies.

This book brings together a collection of works by scholars who have produced some of the most innovative and influential work on the topic of First World War nursing in the last ten years. The contributors employ an interdisciplinary collaborative approach that takes into account multiple facets of Allied wartime nursing: historical contexts (history of the profession, recruitment, teaching, different national socio-political contexts), popular cultural stereotypes (in propaganda, popular culture) and longstanding gender norms (woman-as-nurturer). They draw on a wide range of hitherto neglected historical sources, including diaries, novels, letters and material culture. The result is a fully-rounded new study of nurses' unique and compelling perspectives on the unprecedented experiences of the First World War.

Over the past decade, scholars, practitioners, and leading diplomats have forcefully argued for the need to move beyond one-way, mass-media-driven campaigns and develop more relational strategies. In the coming years, as the range of public diplomacy actors grows, the issues become more complexly intertwined, and the use of social media proliferates, the focus on relations will intensify along with the demands for more sophisticated strategies. These changes in the international arena call for a connective mindshift: a shift from information control and dominance to skilled relationship management. Leading international scholars and practitioners embark on a forward-looking exploration of creative conceptual frameworks, training methods, and case studies that advance relational, networking, and collaborative strategies in public diplomacy. Light on academic jargon and rich in analysis, this volume argues that while relationships have always been pivotal to the practice of public diplomacy, the relational dynamics are changing. Rather than focus on specific definitions, the contributors focus on the dynamic interplay of influence in the public diplomacy environment. That environment includes state and non-state actors, public and private partners, competitors and collaborators, new and old media, and is conditioned by power, ethics, and cultures. This book is an essential resource to students and practitioners interested on how to build relationships and transform them into more elaborate network structures through public communication. It will challenge you to push the boundaries of what you think are the mechanisms, benefits, and potential issues raised by a relational approach to public diplomacy

Events since the end of the Cold War have dashed hopes that the demise of the Soviet Union would ease the Arab-Israeli conflict and help bring about a more stable Middle East--the basic goal of American foreign policy toward that region. Far from that, the past two decades have seen an intensification of regional instability and have added further religious fuel to that conflict. Moreover, we have witnessed major new interventions by such non-Arab states in the region as Iran and Turkey. The consequence of all this for the U.S. is that its long-term policy of seeking credible balance in its relations with the contesting countries is being tested as never before, and at the centre of the problem is the need to find a peaceful solution to the imbroglio involving Israel and the Palestinians--an essential ingredient in any overall attainment of America's regional aspirations. There is now a renewed focus on such categories of intra-Palestinian issues as were experienced in 1948 at the inception of the State of Israel, e.g., borders, return of refugees, status of Jerusalem, policy at the U.N., etc. It is the purpose of this book to give a fresh reading to these root issues in the Arab-Israeli conflict, mainly in the light of the most recently available primary sources from the U.S., U.K., Israel and the U.N.

The way Germany engages with the other states of the EU is often oversimplified and misunderstood. This book offers a nuanced analysis of the German role in the EU, using a novel approach which identifies German influence in the EU in terms of "soft" power. Rather than pursuing interests at the expense of other states, this book focuses on the creation of a "milieu" of multilateral cooperation in which Germany's diplomatic interests can flourish.