The idea of soft power figures crucially in the story of China's re-emergence as a global power. While the debate on the intentions and merits of its global outreach continues, China has embarked on its quest for an image makeover. "Soft Power in China" describes and explains the scope of the country's pursuit of soft power through public diplomacy and international communication. What kinds of images does China want to refashion and project? What is the role of the government "vis-a-vis "that of other institutional and social actors in these efforts? What kinds of tensions and pressures has China experienced? Where do the programs stand in terms of their impact on the country's image? What do all these efforts mean to the broader discussion on the study and practice of public diplomacy and national image management? This book represents a collaborative effort to address these questions.

"The Legacy of Punishment in International Law illustrates how 17th and 18th century rationales for the use of force in support of piracy and colonialism have been transformed into progressive features of contemporary International Law. The classic practice of international punishment was a part of the jus ad bellum, and was the fig leaf for intra-European violence, and for the European conquest of the Americas. It has been transformed, however, into the basis for the assertion of a set of unconditionally, universally binding rules of international law, and for universal jurisdiction over perpetrators of crimes against humanity and war crimes"--

An analysis of the German Question's influence on the origins of the Cold War, arguing that the legal and diplomatic intercourse between the Allies regarding the treatment of the German Question brought forward the elements of intervention and coexistence which formed the basis for a relatively peaceful postwar international order.

Two years before T E Lawrence received orders to travel to the Hejaz to liaise with the leader of the Arab Revolt, other British officers had already roamed the Arabian Peninsula's unforgiving Nejdi desert, to rally tribal support for the British war effort. The first was Captain William Henry Irvine Shakespear, a political agent from the Government of India's Political Department. Born in October 1878 in India, Shakespear spent much of his childhood away from his Anglo-Indian parents, schooling in Portsmouth and later in the Isle of Man, before entering Sandhurst as a British Indian Army Officer Cadet. On his return to India, Shakespear spent six years in military service before he joined the Political Department in 1904, serving twice in Bandar Abbas and briefly in Muscat. Shakespear's next mission was as a political agent in Kuwait, arriving at the coastal Sheikhdom in the spring of 1909. For the next four years, he travelled extensively into the Nejdi desert, providing both London and Delhi with valuable intelligence about the vastly unknown interior as well as cultivating a personal relationship with Ibn Sa'ud, the Emir of Riyadh. At a time when London and Constantinople were negotiating the Anglo-Ottoman treaty, Shakespear almost became persona non grata for advocating the need to back the emir after his tribal warriors had expelled the Ottoman garrisons in al-Hasa in 1913. When war was declared in July 1914, Shakespear was one of the first to try to join the British Army to fight in France, but when the Ottoman Empire looked set to ally with Germany, the powers that had previously shunned him now needed his unique knowledge of Central Arabia and relationship with Ibn Sa'ud. That October, as many of his peers and countrymen crossed the English Channel to reinforce those already in the trenches, Shakespear set sail for Kuwait on special duty to rendezvous with the emir. It was a mission that T E Lawrence would later commend, acknowledging the crucial role that the political agent played during the early stages the Middle Eastern theatre of war. Shakespear was a pioneer in exploring the Nejd, capturing many firsts with his camera, although there were a few other equally intrepid British officials who preceded him into the desert. From the late-18th century, the East India Company collided numerous times with the House of Sa'ud as both attempted to understand the intentions of the other, before the political agent finally laid the foundations for formal diplomatic relations with Ibn Sa'ud, and later with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.

Critical Approaches to the Films of M. Night Shyamalan represents the first serious academic engagement with auteur director M. Night Shyamalan and his work. The essays, including contributions from established film scholars David Sterritt, Murray Pomerance, Emmanuel Burdeau, R. Barton Palmer, Matt Hills, and Katherine Fowkes, explore the Hollywood blockbusters from The Sixth Sense to The Happening in terms of their themes, aesthetics, and marketing. Taken together, the collection recognizes and explores Shyamalan's "star status" and offers the concerted analysis that this cultural phenomenon requires.

Decolonisation and Regional Geopolitics argues that as much as the 'Congo crisis' (1960-1965) was a Cold War battleground, so too was it a battleground for Southern Africa's decolonisation. This book provides a transnational history of African decolonisation, apartheid diplomacy, and Southern African nationalist movements. It answers three central questions. First, what was the nature of South African involvement in the Congo crisis? Second, what was the rationale for this involvement? Third, how did South Africans perceive the crisis? Innovatively, the book shifts the focus on the Congo crisis away from Cold War intervention and centres it around African decolonisation and regional geopolitics.

In 60 years the nuclear tipped South Asian enduring rivals, India and Pakistan have fought four wars and were close to a fifth one in 2001. Indo-Pak dyad has been the focal point of countless studies and while discord and conflict are the focus of most studies there have been periods of cooperation that have not been given enough attention. This book is an attempt to dig out the positive aspects of past Indo-Pak engagements and explore the relevant lessons to help resolve the pending issues. The book argues that both came to terms with each after 50 years and created the composite dialogue process in 1997 and by extracting lessons from the history they can resolve their differences even if their overall relations remain hostile.

Why was NAFTA not extended, even after fulfilling several stated objectives? Investigating a number of roadblocks and utilizing James Rosenau's state-multi-centric models, the book's conclusions shed light not just on why North American integration is not working, but on broader regional experiments.

"Sustainable Diplomacies" looks at how to create conditions for the reconciliation of rival ways of living, the formation of durable relationships and the promotion of global peace and security. The authors draw inspiration from the history of diplomatic thought as well as from environmental, anthropological, religious and postcolonial studies.

In this work the author explores the subjects of sovereignty, diplomacy and the function of diplomats, diplomatic missions, protocol, ethics in diplomacy, the role of Ministries of Foreign Affairs, intergovernmental conferences and the United Nations.

It:

• includes a useful glossary of over sixty essential terms (such as Calvo Doctrine, Extradition, Rapporteur and Uti Possidetis Juris)
• clearly relates the conduct of diplomacy to the principles of international law.

New in paperback, this volume will appeal to graduate and undergraduate students studying diplomacy, public administration and international relations courses as well as practising diplomats, international organization and foreign ministry officials and those who have regular dealings with them.

The Aegean dispute is the main Greek-Turkish conflict and threat to peace and security in the region. The book shows that the dispute is solvable (in win-win terms) and that the crux of the problem is not the incompatibility of interests as such but the mutual fears and suspicions, which are deeply rooted in historical memories, real or imagined.

Jean-Pierre Cabestan, a China specialist based in Hong Kong, provides an overview of “Thucydides’ Trap,” as coined by political scientist Graham Allison to describe the inescapable conflict between Beijing and Washington. Is China’s growing power a threat to the United States? Could it lead to war between the two nations? Economically and militarily stronger, and more nationalist than ever, the People’s Republic of China is increasingly tempted to use force to assert its power, especially in its immediate region. First, the author considers the factors around the threat of war, specifically on the Chinese side, then presents the three most likely armed conflict scenarios: around Taiwan; in the South China Sea; or in the Senkaku Islands under Japanese control. Cabestan also analyses the tensions between China and India along their common borders, which were revived in 2020. But the most likely scenario, according to Cabestan, would be a rapid, piecemeal attack, aimed at tearing borders apart or defending vested interests – not to mention increased cyber warfare. It could also manifest itself as the emergence of a new type of cold war, punctuated by crises bordering on either a nuclear strike or the use of new weapons. U.S.-Chinese tensions and the many potential fronts on which they could elevate are a conflict-in-waiting which will weigh on the 21st century and dominate international life as China seeks to become entrenched as a dominant world power.

Following the disintegration of the Soviet bloc, many Central and Eastern European Countries launched a vigorous 'return to Europe' campaign, which primarily focused on accession to NATO and the European Union. By 2007, ten countries became members of the Euro-Atlantic community, personifying the long-awaited reunification of Europe.

This book provides the reader with a broad overview of the current debate on the evaluation of transnational NGOs, combining the academic with the practitioners perspectives. The contributions to this edited volume deal with the key concepts of legitimacy, accountability and representation, covering a variety of issue areas and NGOs.

Critics question the representativeness of NGOs, the democratic quality of their internal procedures, and their accountability to the wider public. This volume, written jointly by academics and practitioners, clarifies the issues at stake and controversially discusses proposals for reform.

This paperback tackles the pressing need to expand the vision of strategic US public diplomacy. It explores the interplay of power politics, culture, identity, and communication and explains how the underlying communication and political dynamics have redefined what 'strategic communication' means in today's international arena.

This book surveys the legacy of public diplomacy initiatives and lessons from the Bush era war on terrorism and discusses how culture, networks and communication dynamics are redefining US public diplomacy grand strategy.

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"Battles to Bridges" provides a rich, historical review and analysis of the critical post-9/11 period of US public diplomacy and lays the ground work for theory building in public diplomacy.

Part I: Crisis Public Diplomacy surveys the programs and legacy of lessons of the now historic, post 9/11 period of US public diplomacy. Part II: Changing Dynamics explores how changes in political and communication features of the international arena, including culture and networks dynamics, impacted US public diplomacy strategy. Part III is devoted to public diplomacy theory building across the three strategic levels of grand strategy, strategy and tactics.

Addressing values and politics in the Muslim world, this pioneering volume examines attitudes towards democracy and politics, self-expression and traditional values, convergence and divergence of values between the elite and the publics of Islamic and European countries, political and economic consequences of religious beliefs, perceptions of outsiders and xenophobia, family and health, all topics of interests to sociology, political science, history, and Middle Eastern and Islamic studies.

This methodical analysis of Greece's strategy towards Turkey highlights important new findings about the role particular elements of a state's strategic culture play in explaining major and/or minor shifts in strategy. The book breaks new ground in exploring when and how states develop socialization strategies.

This book by a leading scholar of international relations examines the origins of the new world disorder - the resurgence of Russia, the rise of populism in the West, deep tensions in the Atlantic alliance, and the new strategic partnership between China and Russia - and asks why so many assumptions about how the world might look after the Cold War - liberal, democratic and increasingly global - have proven to be so wrong. To explain this, Michael Cox goes back to the moment of disintegration and examines what the Cold War was about, why the Cold War ended, why the experts failed to predict it, and how different writers and policy-makers (and not just western ones) have viewed the tumultuous period between 1989 when the liberal order seemed on top of the world through to the current period when confidence in the western project seems to have disappeared almost completely.

Sustainable Diplomacies looks at how to create conditions for the reconciliation of rival ways of living, the formation of durable relationships and the promotion of global peace and security. The authors draw inspiration from the history of diplomatic thought as well as from environmental, anthropological, religious and postcolonial studies.

This study of the Greek-Turkish Aegean dispute book shows that the dispute is resolvable and that the crux of the problem is not the incompatibility of interests but the mutual fears and suspicions, which are deeply rooted in historical memories, real or imagined.

While there are no shortages of books about the Cyprus Conflict, this book offers the best summary of the negotiations around. The book comes at a critical time for the partitioned island-state of Cyprus and for those associated with the conflict and attempts to resolve it. By placing the conflict in its historical, ideological, ethno-political and geostrategic context, the book extends beyond conventional realist approaches and lays bare those less visible dimensions that are often ignored by analysts and policy-makers alike. The book is of direct interest not only to experts and students but to all those engaged in the practice of conflict resolution.

The interactions between popular culture and public policy in general, and foreign policy in particular, have always been an important area of scholarly enquiry and popular interest. However with the end of the bipolar world system and the emergence of a single world superpower in the form of the United States of America, which is waging a War Against Terror, this nexus has become critical. This is especially true because of the almost Manichean tendency of the United States to see other countries in terms of "good" or "evil." Indeed President Bush himself has coined the term "The Axis of Evil" for states, which in a kinder age were simply referred to by his predecessors as being "Rogue States."

This book draws together elements from several academic disciplines - politics, international relations, psychology, film and cultural studies and examines US foreign policy toward the so-called "rogue states" and the products of the Hollywood film industry in relation to these states, which promises to make a significant contribution to our understanding of the 'soft power' that is popular culture.

Proponents of American public diplomacy sometimes find it difficult to be taken seriously. Everyone says nice things about relying less on military force and more on soft power. But it has been hard to break away from the longtime conventional wisdom that America owes its place in the world primarily to its muscle. Today, however, policy makers are recognizing that merely being a "superpower" -- whatever that means now -- does not ensure security or prosperity in a globalized society. "Toward a New Public Diplomacy" explains public diplomacy and makes the case for why it will be the crucial element in the much-needed reinvention of American foreign policy.